關於 malaysia communist ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

Taiwan Can Achieve More,
But It Takes Bilingualism
台灣可成就更高 但需要「雙語國力」

《作者從事與雙語教育相關的工作已斷斷續續30餘年。雙語已成國策，那就身體力行，開始用雙語發表意見吧。歡迎讀者對此形式提供您的意見及指教》

Among all sustaining forces, what Taiwan lacks most is the force of language. When people talk about a country’s competitiveness, most likely the main benchmarks are the military force, wealth force, technology force or even cultural force. The concept of“Force of Language”rarely came into mind. But in fact, linguistic capability is one of the key factors that can make or break a country in the long run , if not in the short.

在所有的可持續力量中，台灣最缺的就是語言的力量。當人們談論國家的競爭力時，通常主要的標竿都是軍事力量、財富力量、技術力量，甚至文化力量，而想都想不到「語言力量」這回事。但事實上，語言表達的能力，遲早也將是國家成敗的關鍵要素之一。

Examples are plenty. Take the tiny country of Singapore as a sample. Its existence and survival rests upon its capacity in applying and managing multi-lingual resources. Without that force of language, it can’t possibly thrive in a geographical setting as complex as this – with Malaysia on the north, Indonesia on the South-West, India to the West, and, particularly, the landmass of China up north. Geography is both a blessing and a curse to the country of Singapore, but its multi-linguistic capacity is a pure blessing. Without it, Singapore would still have been a trading center in that region and there is no way for it to have become one of the worldwide financial centers as today.

例子不勝枚舉，小小的新加坡就是一個樣本。它的生存，基於它運用、管理多重語言資源的氣度和能力。若缺少了這種「語言國力」，新加坡不可能在如此複雜的地理環境下茁壯 – 北有馬來西亞，西南有印度尼西亞，西有印度，尤其遠遠的北方還有中國這樣一塊大陸。地緣對新加坡這個國家既是祝福也是詛咒，但其多語能量則是百分之百的祝福。若非掌握語言國力，新加坡或許還能成為區域的貿易中心，但沒有可能變成今日的世界金融中心之一。

Hong Kong, in the past tense, also benefited tremendously from its bilingualism. By comparison, the mighty city of Shanghai in China will never replace the economic role Hong Kong used to play for China. I remember a sharp comment made by the past Premier of Singapore, Mr. Lee Kuan Yew. Many years ago when visiting Taiwan, he was asked this question by a reporter : “Can you foresee Shanghai replacing Hong Kong one day“? “Never!”was Lee’s reply. “Why?” Here comes the issue of the force of language, “Because I simply can’t see that the Shanghainese can speak better English than the Hong Kong people”. End of discussion.

香港在過去，也大大得利於它的雙語能力。相較之下，中國上海這個巨型城市，永遠也無法取代過去香港對中國的經濟角色。我猶記得新加坡前總理李光耀的一針見血評論。多年前在造訪台灣時，記者問他：「你能預見上海有一天取代香港嗎」？「絕不可能！」李光耀回答。「為什麼呢」？這裡就看出語言的力量了，「因為我根本看不到上海人的英文能力有超過香港人的一天」。討論就此結束。

Taiwan is good at technology as well as in many other aspects. It produces over 50% of the high-end semiconductor chips for the world’s high-end industrial and military uses, and it also designs at least 25% of the chips for world’s daily electronic devices. Which means, should Taiwan’s economic activities be disrupted by a hostile party , or even worse, should the island country fall under a hostile party’s control, as a consequence, the entire world would be affected severely, even to the point of functionally inoperative.

台灣在科技上很行，其他方面也不錯。在世界的高端工業及軍事應用中，台灣生產的高端半導體晶片佔比超過50%。在日常生活的電子設備上，台灣設計的晶片也至少佔比25%。這意味著，若台灣的經濟活動被某個敵意方擾亂，或在更糟情況下台灣這個島嶼國家落入敵意方的控制，後果將嚴重波及整個世界，甚至導致世界在功能上無法運作。

On top of that, Taiwan is ingenious in meeting unconventional demands for outlandish components. The most apparent case would be that of the birth of Tesla. When Elon Musk couldn’t get designers and factories from other parts of the world to risk making his non-heard-of components, he came to Taiwan and found willing and capable suppliers. Without the ingenuity of Taiwan’s able engineers, Tesla’s EV could have been delayed for many more years and might even have missed its first-to-market timing.

此外，台灣在非傳統、奇思妙想的零組件領域也很高明。最顯著的例子就是特斯拉的誕生。當伊隆馬斯克在世界其他地方碰壁、沒有工廠和設計師願意為他冒險製造那些聽都沒聽過的零組件的時候，他來到台灣找到了出路和供應商。沒有台灣的這份高明和工程師，特斯拉的電動車可能延誤多年，甚至失去市場首發的時機。

In the political arena, Taiwan has been firmly placed in the first tier among countries of democracy. To be fair, Taiwanese citizens still stand eager for eliminating the residual, inherited authoritarian elements in its political system; however, from a global standpoint, the mere presence of this remaining endeavor, by itself, proves that Taiwan has already passed the point of no return of an evolving democratic country.

在政治競技場，台灣已經被牢牢放在了民主國家的前列。但還是得公平地說，台灣公民還在熱切得期待把自己政治體制中那些殘留的、繼承來的威權成份加以剷除。然而從全球眼光來看，這種熱切現象的本身，就足以證明台灣作為一個民主還在演化的國家，在道路上已經沒有回頭餘地了。

In any aspect, Taiwan should have received a much higher level of acknowledgement from the international community than what it gets now. It makes people wonder why it didn’t.

無論哪個角度，台灣都應該得到比現在更高的國際認可和關注。這讓人感到奇怪，為什麼不是這樣呢？

Sure, one can blame the “Cut-Taiwan-off-the-World” program that the neighboring CCP (Chinese Communist Party) exercised. But blaming is not productive, not in everyday life nor in politics. We need self-assertive solutions much more than airing complaints.

當然，我們可以歸咎於中共的「切斷台灣的世界聯繫」招數。但是，歸咎往往是不起積極作用的，在生活中如此，在政治上也一樣。自我斷然提出解決方案，遠比時時抱怨要重要的多。

Citizens in Taiwan need to be able to speak out for Taiwan, not waiting for others to speak for it. To speak out to the world, you need languages! Presently, over 90% of the citizens on this island write and speak in just one language : the written Mandarin Character and the spoken Mandarin plus dialects.

台灣公民有必要自己為台灣發聲，而不是只等待第三方替台灣發聲。既然要自己對世界發聲，那就需要語言（國力）！當前，90%的台灣公民只會用單一的語種書寫和表達：書面的華文系方塊字，和華語加上數種方言。

This causes consequences in two-folds. On the political side, when Taiwan citizens shout in Mandarin, only people who understand Mandarin in other parts of the world can know what Taiwan is shouting for. Sadly, 96% of those who understand are under the firewall enclosure in China. Furthermore, Taiwanese messages are being censored, twisted and manipulated by the CCP in order to prevent its subjects from hearing it.

這造成了雙重後果。在政治面，當台灣公民用華語呼喊時，世界上只有聽得懂華語的人知道台灣在呼喊什麼。遺憾的是，96%聽得懂華語的人被鎖在中國的防火牆內。更糟的是，中共為了防止其控制的人民聽懂，持續不斷得堵絕、扭曲、操弄來自台灣的訊息。

On the economy side, although the top-layer of the academics, businessmen and technical elites are all quite proficient with a second language, mostly English or Japanese, the majority of the able engineers and middle managers in Taiwan cannot communicate efficiently enough to bring out their personal or organizational potentials.

在經濟面，雖然頂端的學術工作者、企業家、技術精英都有不錯的外語能力，例如英文或日文，但是大多數的能幹工程師和中層管理者，還無法有效的通過外語溝通以展示他們自身或組織的真實潛力。

It’s such an obvious yet ignored national issue : Taiwan needs bilingualism for its political sustainability and economic prosperity. A thriving bilingualism in Taiwan can be achieved by flipping its mentality towards education, or by changing its attitudes towards “outsiders” and installing a more open-minded immigration policy.

如此明顯的國家級議題卻遭到忽視：台灣的政治可持續及經濟的繁榮，非需要「雙語國力」不可。若想如火如荼的推動雙語國力，有兩條路可走，一是翻轉其對教育之心態，或改變對「外來者」的態度、建立一套更開放的移民政策。

Either way, Taiwan must implement a bold and innovative approach to this “force of language” challenge. And that approach can start today. Are you ready? Yes, I meant YOU！

不論採哪一種方式，台灣對這「語言國力」的挑戰，必須實施一種既大膽又創新的路數。今天就可以開始，你準備好了嗎？沒錯，說的就是你！

* 更多有關台灣之未來，請往 《范疇 前哨預策網》InsightFan.com
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束、推動台灣世界地位、思考人類文明未來的園地

【部長專訪全球報導 台灣心聲國際聽到🌏】
2020雖然不能出國
#魔法部 JW部長依舊馬不停蹄
不但接受國際媒體視訊專訪
一整年下來
接受國際媒體訪問 53 次、總共刊出 136 篇
專訪在 #美國🇺🇸 #加拿大🇨🇦 #英國🇬🇧 #德國🇩🇪 #日本🇯🇵 #荷蘭🇳🇱 #澳洲🇦🇺 #法國🇫🇷 #印度🇮🇳 #丹麥🇩🇰 #瑞士🇨🇭 #義大利🇮🇹 #捷克🇨🇿 #芬蘭🇫🇮 #葡葡牙🇵🇹 #西班牙🇪🇸 #挪威🇳🇴 #馬來西亞🇲🇾 #香港🇭🇰 #菲律賓🇵🇭 #泰國🇹🇭 #印尼🇮🇩 #南韓🇰🇷 #新加坡🇸🇬 #瑞典🇸🇪 及 #奧地利🇦🇹等媒體遍地開花
各種語言都能讀到台灣人的真心聲
哥比的就是認真啊 👊
JW部長2020年最後一訪
正是獻給了奧地利新聞報 Die Presse
面對資深主筆畢斯卡夫(Burkhard Bischof)的提問
部長再度重申我國立場
很愛整理筆記的小編 📝
再為大家劃一下重點 (要看 )

🔺沒有 #一國兩制 只有 #一國一制
中國強行通過港版國安法，證明「一國兩制」其實是「一國一制」，也就是共產體制。台灣人民目睹香港情勢後，更無法接受「一國兩制」。台灣雖然身處對岸擴張及強化軍備挑釁的最前線，將強化國防及不對稱戰力，並且深信民主終會獲勝。

🔺台美關係 緊密友好
對於拜登新政府即將上任，政府有信心維持台美緊密友好關係，未來期望重啟台美 #貿易投資暨架構協定(TIFA)談判，持續對台軍售及安排高層官員訪台，並透過 #全球合作暨訓練架構(GCTF)持續合作。

🔺台歐關係 穩定發展
不論在高層官員訪問及人權議題上，愈來愈多歐盟國家為我國發聲，支持我國參與世界衛生組織(WHO)等國際組織，未來期待台歐盟貿易關係深化，展開 #雙邊投資協定(BIA)協商；2020年9月捷克參議長訪台交流十分成功，希望未來歐盟各國更多高層互訪台灣。

來看新聞▶️https://reurl.cc/R1aQ59
想練德文▶️https://reurl.cc/14r7YY

#不是因為有人聽才講
#而是因為堅持一直講才有人聽
#2021一樣要把台灣聲音報給全世界聽
#真朋友真進展
#台歐友好

🍫資訊補給站🍫
奧地利新聞報成立於1848年，為該國最具歷史及指標性的大眾報刊，報風嚴謹，廣獲好評，對東亞政經情勢多有關注，對國際輿論具影響力。

Did you know that MOFA Minister Joseph Wu has been interviewed by 182 journalists from foreign media outlets from countries including the #US🇺🇸, #Canada🇨🇦, the #UK🇬🇧, #Germany🇩🇪, #Japan🇯🇵, the #Netherlands🇳🇱, #Australia🇦🇺, #France🇫🇷, #India🇮🇳, #Denmark🇩🇰, #Switzerland🇨🇭, #Italy🇮🇹, #CzechRepublic🇨🇿, #Finland🇫🇮, #Portugal🇵🇹, #Spain🇪🇸, #Norway🇳🇴, #Malaysia🇲🇾, #HongKong🇭🇰, the #Philippines🇵🇭, #Thailand🇹🇭, #Indonesia🇮🇩, #SouthKorea🇰🇷, #Singapore🇸🇬, #Sweden🇸🇪 and #Austria🇦🇹, 53 times this year, resulting in 136 articles published?

The majority of these have been from media outlets from the US and #Europe showing the increasing focus of these countries on Taiwan, due in large part, to our performance in handling the #COVID19 pandemic!

His most recent interview was with reporter Burkhard Bischof of #Austria’s Die Presse.

In the interview, Minister Wu delved into the current state of cross-strait relations, stating that “One Country Two Systems” is, in fact, “One Country One System,” which is the communist regime. He added that the National Security Law has stripped the #HongKong people of their #freedom, #HumanRights and political rights.

Minister Wu also touched on how the #Taiwan-#US relationship will fare after President-elect Joe Biden takes office and Taiwan’s ties with the #EU.

Read the article here: http://bit.ly/37YVVXd

【《金融時報》深度長訪】

今年做過數百外媒訪問，若要說最能反映我思緒和想法的訪問，必然是《金融時報》的這一個，沒有之一。

在排山倒海的訪問裡，這位記者能在短短個半小時裡，刻畫得如此傳神，值得睇。

Joshua Wong plonks himself down on a plastic stool across from me. He is there for barely 10 seconds before he leaps up to greet two former high school classmates in the lunchtime tea house melee. He says hi and bye and then bounds back. Once again I am facing the young man in a black Chinese collared shirt and tan shorts who is proving such a headache for the authorities in Beijing.

So far, it’s been a fairly standard week for Wong. On a break from a globe-trotting, pro-democracy lobbying tour, he was grabbed off the streets of Hong Kong and bundled into a minivan. After being arrested, he appeared on the front pages of the world’s newspapers and was labelled a “traitor” by China’s foreign ministry.

He is very apologetic about being late for lunch.

Little about Wong, the face of Hong Kong’s democracy movement, can be described as ordinary: neither his Nobel Peace Prize nomination, nor his three stints in prison. Five years ago, his face was plastered on the cover of Time magazine; in 2017, he was the subject of a hit Netflix documentary, Joshua: Teenager vs Superpower. And he’s only 23.

We’re sitting inside a Cantonese teahouse in the narrow back streets near Hong Kong’s parliament, where he works for a pro-democracy lawmaker. It’s one of the most socially diverse parts of the city and has been at the heart of five months of unrest, which has turned into a battle for Hong Kong’s future. A few weekends earlier I covered clashes nearby as protesters threw Molotov cocktails at police, who fired back tear gas. Drunk expats looked on, as tourists rushed by dragging suitcases.

The lunch crowd pours into the fast-food joint, milling around as staff set up collapsible tables on the pavement. Construction workers sit side-by-side with men sweating in suits, chopsticks in one hand, phones in the other. I scan the menu: instant noodles with fried egg and luncheon meat, deep fried pork chops, beef brisket with radish. Wong barely glances at it before selecting the hometown fried rice and milk tea, a Hong Kong speciality with British colonial roots, made with black tea and evaporated or condensed milk.

“I always order this,” he beams, “I love this place, it’s the only Cantonese teahouse in the area that does cheap, high-quality milk tea.” I take my cue and settle for the veggie and egg fried rice and a lemon iced tea as the man sitting on the next table reaches over to shake Wong’s hand. Another pats him on the shoulder as he brushes by to pay the bill.

Wong has been a recognisable face in this city since he was 14, when he fought against a proposal from the Hong Kong government to introduce a national education curriculum that would teach that Chinese Communist party rule was “superior” to western-style democracy. The government eventually backed down after more than 100,000 people took to the streets. Two years later, Wong rose to global prominence when he became the poster boy for the Umbrella Movement, in which tens of thousands of students occupied central Hong Kong for 79 days to demand genuine universal suffrage.

That movement ended in failure. Many of its leaders were sent to jail, among them Wong. But the seeds of activism were planted in the generation of Hong Kongers who are now back on the streets, fighting for democracy against the world’s most powerful authoritarian state. The latest turmoil was sparked by a controversial extradition bill but has evolved into demands for true suffrage and a showdown with Beijing over the future of Hong Kong. The unrest in the former British colony, which was handed over to China in 1997, represents the biggest uprising on Chinese soil since the 1989 pro-democracy movement in Beijing. Its climax, of course, was the Tiananmen Square massacre, when hundreds, perhaps thousands, of people were killed.

“We learnt a lot of lessons from the Umbrella Movement: how to deal with conflict between the more moderate and progressive camps, how to be more organic, how to be less hesitant,” says Wong. “Five years ago the pro-democracy camp was far more cautious about seeking international support because they were afraid of pissing off Beijing.”

Wong doesn’t appear to be afraid of irking China. Over the past few months, he has lobbied on behalf of the Hong Kong protesters to governments around the world. In the US, he testified before Congress and urged lawmakers to pass an act in support of the Hong Kong protesters — subsequently approved by the House of Representatives with strong bipartisan support. In Germany, he made headlines when he suggested two baby pandas in the Berlin Zoo be named “Democracy” and “Freedom.” He has been previously barred from entering Malaysia and Thailand due to pressure from Beijing, and a Singaporean social worker was recently convicted and fined for organising an event at which Wong spoke via Skype.

The food arrives almost immediately. I struggle to tell our orders apart. Two mouthfuls into my egg and cabbage fried rice, I regret not ordering the instant noodles with luncheon meat.

In August, a Hong Kong newspaper controlled by the Chinese Communist party published a photo of Julie Eadeh, an American diplomat, meeting pro-democracy student leaders including Wong. The headline accused “foreign forces” of igniting a revolution in Hong Kong. “Beijing says I was trained by the CIA and the US marines and I am a CIA agent. [I find it] quite boring because they have made up these kinds of rumours for seven years [now],” he says, ignoring his incessantly pinging phone.

Another thing that bores him? The media. Although Wong’s messaging is always on point, his appraisal of journalists in response to my questions is piercing and cheeky. “In 15-minute interviews I know journalists just need soundbites that I’ve repeated lots of times before. So I’ll say things like ‘I have no hope [as regards] the regime but I have hope towards the people.’ Then the journalists will say ‘oh that’s so impressive!’ And I’ll say ‘yes, I’m a poet.’ ”

And what about this choice of restaurant? “Well, I knew I couldn’t pick a five-star hotel, even though the Financial Times is paying and I know you can afford it,” he says grinning. “It’s better to do this kind of interview in a Hong Kong-style restaurant. This is the place that I conducted my first interview after I left prison.” Wong has spent around 120 days in prison in total, including on charges of unlawful assembly.

“My fellow prisoners would tell me about how they joined the Umbrella Movement and how they agreed with our beliefs. I think prisoners are more aware of the importance of human rights,” he says, adding that even the prison wardens would share with him how they had joined protests.

“Even the triad members in prison support democracy. They complain how the tax on cigarettes is extremely high and the tax on red wine is extremely low; it just shows how the upper-class elite lives here,” he says, as a waiter strains to hear our conversation. Wong was most recently released from jail in June, the day after the largest protests in the history of Hong Kong, when an estimated 2m people — more than a quarter of the territory’s 7.5m population — took to the streets.

Raised in a deeply religious family, he used to travel to mainland China every two years with his family and church literally to spread the gospel. As with many Hong Kong Chinese who trace their roots to the mainland, he doesn’t know where his ancestral village is. His lasting memory of his trips across the border is of dirty toilets, he tells me, mid-bite. He turned to activism when he realised praying didn’t help much.

“The gift from God is to have independence of mind and critical thinking; to have our own will and to make our own personal judgments. I don’t link my religious beliefs with my political judgments. Even Carrie Lam is Catholic,” he trails off, in a reference to Hong Kong’s leader. Lam has the lowest approval rating of any chief executive in the history of the city, thanks to her botched handling of the crisis.

I ask whether Wong’s father, who is also involved in social activism, has been a big influence. Wrong question.

“The western media loves to frame Joshua Wong joining the fight because of reading the books of Nelson Mandela or Martin Luther King or because of how my parents raised me. In reality, I joined street activism not because of anyone book I read. Why do journalists always assume anyone who strives for a better society has a role model?” He glances down at his pinging phone and draws a breath, before continuing. “Can you really describe my dad as an activist? I support LGBTQ rights,” he says, with a fist pump. His father, Roger Wong, is a well-known anti-gay rights campaigner in Hong Kong.

I notice he has put down his spoon, with half a plate of fried rice untouched. I decide it would be a good idea to redirect our conversation by bonding over phone addictions. Wong, renowned for his laser focus and determination, replies to my emails and messages at all hours and has been described by his friends as “a robot.”

He scrolls through his Gmail, his inbox filled with unread emails, showing me how he categorises interview requests with country tags. His life is almost solely dedicated to activism. “My friends and I used to go to watch movies and play laser tag but now of course we don’t have time to play any more: we face real bullets every weekend.”

The protests — which have seen more than 3,300 people arrested — have been largely leaderless. “Do you ever question your relevance to the movement?” I venture, mid-spoonful of congealed fried rice.

“Never,” he replies with his mouth full. “We have a lot of facilitators in this movement and I’m one of them . . . it’s just like Wikipedia. You don’t know who the contributors are behind a Wikipedia page but you know there’s a lot of collaboration and crowdsourcing. Instead of just having a top-down command, we now have a bottom-up command hub which has allowed the movement to last far longer than Umbrella.

“With greater power comes greater responsibility, so the question is how, through my role, can I express the voices of the frontliners, of the street activism? For example, I defended the action of storming into the Legislative Council on July 1. I know I didn’t storm in myself . . . ” His phone pings twice. Finally he succumbs.

After tapping away for about 30 seconds, Wong launches back into our conversation, sounding genuinely sorry that he wasn’t there on the night when protesters destroyed symbols of the Chinese Communist party and briefly occupied the chamber.

“My job is to be the middleman to express, evaluate and reveal what is going on in the Hong Kong protests when the movement is about being faceless,” he says, adding that his Twitter storm of 29 tweets explaining the July 1 occupation reached at least four million people. I admit that I am overcome with exhaustion just scanning his Twitter account, which has more than 400,000 followers. “Well, that thread was actually written by Jeffrey Ngo from Demosisto,” he say, referring to the political activism group that he heads.

A network of Hong Kong activists studying abroad helps fuel his relentless public persona on social media and in the opinion pages of international newspapers. Within a week of his most recent arrest, he had published op-eds in The Economist, The New York Times, Quartz and the Apple Daily.

I wonder out loud if he ever feels overwhelmed at taking on the Chinese Communist party, a task daunting even for some of the world’s most formidable governments and companies. He peers at me over his wire-framed glasses. “It’s our responsibility; if we don’t do it, who will? At least we are not in Xinjiang or Tibet; we are in Hong Kong,” he says, referring to two regions on Chinese soil on the frontline of Beijing’s drive to develop a high-tech surveillance state. In Xinjiang, at least one million people are being held in internment camps. “Even though we’re directly under the rule of Beijing, we have a layer of protection because we’re recognised as a global city so [Beijing] is more hesitant to act.”

I hear the sound of the wok firing up in the kitchen and ask him the question on everyone’s minds in Hong Kong: what happens next? Like many people who are closely following the extraordinary situation in Hong Kong, he is hesitant to make firm predictions.

“Lots of think-tanks around the world say ‘Oh, we’re China experts. We’re born in western countries but we know how to read Chinese so we’re familiar with Chinese politics.’ They predicted the Communist party would collapse after the Tiananmen Square massacre and they’ve kept predicting this over the past three decades but hey, now it’s 2019 and we’re still under the rule of Beijing, ha ha,” he grins.

While we are prophesying, does Wong ever think he might become chief executive one day? “No local journalist in Hong Kong would really ask this question,” he admonishes. As our lunch has progressed, he has become bolder in dissecting my interview technique. The territory’s chief executive is currently selected by a group of 1,200, mostly Beijing loyalists, and he doubts the Chinese Communist party would ever allow him to run. A few weeks after we meet he announces his candidacy in the upcoming district council elections. He was eventually the only candidate disqualified from running — an order that, after our lunch, he tweeted had come from Beijing and was “clearly politically driven”.

We turn to the more ordinary stuff of 23-year-olds’ lives, as Wong slurps the remainder of his milk tea. “Before being jailed, the thing I was most worried about was that I wouldn’t be able to watch Avengers: Endgame,” he says.

“Luckily, it came out around early May so I watched it two weeks before I was locked up in prison.” He has already quoted Spider-Man twice during our lunch. I am unsurprised when Wong picks him as his favourite character.

“I think he’s more . . . ” He pauses, one of the few times in the interview. “Compared to having an unlimited superpower or unlimited power or unlimited talent just like Superman, I think Spider-Man is more human.” With that, our friendly neighbourhood activist dashes off to his next interview.

An honest look at how safe it is to live in China...
Murder happens, but is underreported.
In 2011, the reported murder rate in China was 1.0 per 100,000 people, with 13,410 murders. The murder rate in 2010 was 1.1.

Corruption
Further information: Corruption in China
The PRC is a one-party state ruled by the Communist Party of China,[9] Corruption exists in China, just like in any other country. The cost thereof to the economy is significant. Between 1978 and 2003, an estimated $50 billion was smuggled out of the country by corrupt officials.

Coercion
Violent crime exits in China, though to a lesser degree than in the US.

Human trafficking
Further information: Human trafficking in China
There are instances of human trafficking reported in China for various purposes. The majority of trafficking in PRC is internal and this domestic trafficking is the most significant human trafficking problem in the country.

Women are lured through false promises of legitimate employment into commercial sexual exploitation in Taiwan, Thailand, Malaysia, and Japan. Chinese men are smuggled to countries throughout the world for exploitative labor.Women and children are trafficked into PRC from Mongolia, Burma, North Korea, Russia, and Vietnam for forced labor and sexual slavery.

Drug trade
Further information: Illegal drug trade in China
PRC is a major transshipment point for heroin produced in the Golden Triangle. Growing domestic drug abuse is a significant problem in PRC. Available estimates place the domestic spending on illegal drugs to be $17 billion.

Domestic violence
Further information: Domestic violence in China
China has a high rate of domestic violence.[15] In 2004, the All-China Women’s Federation compiled survey results to show that thirty percent of the women in China experienced domestic violence within their homes.

The true extent of domestic violence is unclear due to the lack of related law and execution of the law. The Chinese government is in the process of "planning" to pass a "draft of anti-domestic violence law".

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Music used: FM84 - Everything

Ex-members of CPM feel aggrieved that they are being demonised although they too played a major role in achieving independence.

In view of the nations 52nd Merdeka, Malaysiakini recently visited one such communist peace village in Sukhirin, southern Thailand, to talk to some of these battle-hardened communist insurgents on their role in gaining independence.



More in Malaysiakini.com



Reported by K Kabilan
Produced by Maran Perianen
Edited by Indrani Kopal
Voice Over by Nick Josh Karean

Kampung Chulaborn 12, or Ban Chulaborn Patana 12, in Thailand is no ordinary village. It is located deep in a jungle with the nearest town Shukirin about an hour's drive.

The residents of this village are also a group of 'special visitors of the Thai government' for they are all members of the 10th Regiment of the Communist Party of Malaya (CPM).

This village used to be their base camp and after the 1989 peace agreement between the CPM, the Thai government and the Malaysian government, these former members of the party were permitted to remain living there.

About 20 veteran communist leaders, all peers of Abdullah, are still living in this village. Almost all of them were from Malaya originally.

They had joined the 10th Regiment in May 1949 and then moved to the Thai-Malaya border in 1953, to remain in the jungles until the peace deal was signed in 1989.

But why didn't these former guerrilla fighters return to their homeland?



Reported by K Kabilan
Produced by Maran Perianen
Edited by Indrani Kopal
Voice Over by Nick Josh Karean