翻轉視界 18 Changing Perspective
There's not just one road to the destination, but many roads. You just need to take the little step that’s right in front of you, and then the next one, and a few years down the track, they will seem like massive achievements.
通往目的地的路不止一條,有很多路可走。你只需要邁出眼前這一小步,然後再邁出下一步,幾年下來,將會成為巨大成就。
文章來自於New Humans of Australia (有取得授權)
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I didn’t meet my father until I was 6 years old. My parents had a comfortable, middle-class life in Shanghai, or as close as you could get under communism. But they always wanted to live overseas, and just before I was born, my dad came to Sydney to set things up. I don’t know why, but in the end, my mother and I didn’t join him until I was 6.
•a middle-class life 中產階級生活
•set things up 打點一切
•live overseas 往海外生活
•in the end 最後 (表達在經過一段時間或一連串事件之後的結果)
直到六歲前我都未曾見過父親。我的雙親在上海過著舒適的中產階級生活,或著說,在共產階級下所能得到的最接近的生活。他們一直響往海外生活,就在我出生前,我父親來到雪梨打點一切。但不知何故,直到六歲那年我與母親才終於與父親團聚。
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Unfortunately, half a year after we arrived, he left us. That was a huge shock. Our transition had already been quite difficult, as we both didn't speak English. Also, as Shanghai was such a big bustling city, Sydney felt a bit like the countryside, especially on the weekends, as no shops were open back then!
•shock 令人震驚的事件(或經歷);驚愕,震驚 (come as a great shock 讓人倍感震驚)
•transition 轉變;過渡
•a bustling city 繁華都會
不幸的是,就在我跟母親抵達半年後,父親離開了我們。這是個巨大的打擊,因爲我們不會說英文,在適應過渡期本就已過得相當艱辛。此外,不同於上海的繁華都會,雪梨更像鄉下,尤其在週末,那時連商店都不開門。
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We were very much reliant on my dad, not only financially, but also as a conduit into the wider community. So to have that broken was quite distressing. I remember Mum crying a lot. As we had become socially isolated, we didn’t find out anything about Centrelink, so we survived on her savings for a while, and then got some help from her family back in China.
•be reliant on… 依賴...
•a conduit into 進入...的渠道
•distressing (adj.) 令人苦惱的,令人擔憂的
•become socially isolated 變得孤立於社會
•survive on her savings 僅靠的她積蓄過日子
我們相當依賴我父親,不僅是經濟,他也是我們進入更廣泛社區的渠道。因此,當局面被打破時令人相當痛苦,我還記得母親時常哭泣。由於我們孤立於社會,所以我們並不知道澳洲社會福利聯絡中心 (Centrelink)的任何資訊,僅靠母親的積蓄支撐了一段時間,然後從母親在中國的娘家得到一些幫助。
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Eventually, Mum moved us down to Melbourne, where we were able to make some new networks and family friendships. But I was bullied a bit at school about things like my food and clothing! Whenever someone bullied me, I would defend myself, but because I didn’t have the language skills to explain to the teacher why, I got in trouble quite a bit. I ended up having to move school 3 times before I came to Balwyn Primary School, which was relatively multicultural.
•be able to 能夠
•make new networks 建立新的人脈,關係網
•be bullied 被霸凌
•language skills 語言能力
•get in trouble 惹上麻煩
•end up 最後處於;最後成爲;以…告終
•relatively 相對地
•multicultural 多元文化的
最後,母親帶著我搬遷到墨爾本,在那我們能夠建立起新的網絡與家庭情誼。然而。我在學校飽受霸凌,例如我的食物及衣物。每當有人霸凌我,我會自我防衛,但我的語言技巧不足以向老師解釋事發原因,因此常常陷入麻煩。後來我不得不再三轉學,直到就讀相對多元文化的博文小學(Balwyn Primary School)。
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After that, I did alright. Music featured very prominently in my life. I had started learning the violin from the age of 2.5 years old and even with all the troubles that were going on in my life, had somehow still kept up with it. As a result, I got a music scholarship to Trinity Grammar School. But even there I used to get into quite a lot of mischief, and would often skip school to go to the movies.
•do alight 過得不錯,做的不錯
•feature (v.) 以…為特色;給…以顯著的地位
•prominently 重要地;著名地;突出地,顯眼地
之後,我便過得不錯。音樂在我生活中佔有重要的一席之地,我從兩歲半開始學習小提琴,儘管生活中事事不如意,我依然堅持不輟。因此,我獲得三一文法學校( Trinity Grammar School)的音樂獎學金。但即使在那,我也常惡作劇、逃學看電影。
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By the end of year 11, I was told I would have to either repeat the year, or consider going to another school, which was quite humiliating for my mum. I decided to move school and surprisingly, I ended up doing quite well in year 12! As a result, I ended up getting into a double degree in Law and Music at Monash.
•repeat the year 留級 ; 重唸一年
•humiliating 令人感到恥辱的,丟臉的
11年級結束時,我被告知要麽被留級,要麼考慮轉學,這對我母親來說相當丟人。我決定轉學,而令人驚訝的是,我在12年級的時候表現優異,最後錄取蒙納士大學法律與音樂雙學位。
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When I started, my first thought was that I didn’t belong because I had done so badly in school up to year 11 and everyone else seemed so smart. But I put my head down, got through it, and ended up getting a job in the legal department of a major manufacturing company, which was a different approach to what most law students do.
•do not belong 不屬於這
•put my head down 埋頭苦幹
•the legal department of ...的法律部門
•a different approach 不同途徑
•approach (思考問題的)方式,方法,態度
當我開始進入大學,最初的想法是我不屬於這,因為我在11年級前都表現不佳,而這裡的人似乎都聰明絕頂。但我埋頭苦幹,咬牙撐過,最後在一家大型製造公司的法律部門找到工作,這與多數法律系學生的途徑不同。
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I really enjoyed it. It was hard work, but I learned a lot of foundational business, legal and corporate communication skills. After that I worked in corporate governance in RMIT, then started to moonlight as a lecturer in the Law Faculty. Eventually, they asked me if I wanted to do a PhD and I blindly said yes! I next worked at Swinburne University, and then was head-hunted to lead the corporate legal team at the Commercial Passenger Vehicles Commission.
•foundational 基礎的
•communication skills 溝通技巧
•corporate governance
•moonlight (v.) (尤指瞞著僱主)從事第二職業,兼職
•headhunt (v.) 物色(人才); 挖角
•legal team 法律團隊
我非常喜歡這份工作,這是份辛苦的工作,但我學習了很多基礎商業、法律以及公司溝通技巧。之後我在皇家墨爾本理工大學( RMIT)從事公司治理工作,並開始兼職擔任法律系講師。後來他們問我是否想要讀博士,我便盲目地答應了。接下來,我在斯威本大學(Swinburne University)工作,再被挖角到商用小客車委員會領導法律團隊。
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I had a good life, but after a while, I realised I wanted a different kind of job. I could see my seniors were making a lot of money but that their family life was not that good. And looking at my own upbringing, I wanted to be the kind of father who could be present in my own kids’ lives. So I decided on dentistry. It would not only allow me to use the hand skills that I had developed from playing the violin, but also the analytical and reasoning skills that I'd developed in law. Plus it would be flexible, and offer me a stable income and the chance to meet different people every day!
•upbringing 教養
•decide on sth 決定某事或東西
•analytical and reasoning skills 分析和推理能力
•offer a stable income 提供穩定收入
我的生活很不錯,但一段時間後,我意識到自己想要一份不同的工作。我知道前輩們賺了很多錢,但他們的家庭生活並不美滿。看著自己的成長經歷,我想要成為可以在孩子生活中出席的父親,所以我決定改行當牙醫。這項職業能讓我使用從拉小提琴中發展出的手部技巧,也能運用我在法律中發展出的分析與推理技能。此外,這個職業相當靈活,能為我提供穩定收入,並有機會每天與不同的人見面。
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My now fiancée, who was my girlfriend at the time, was also applying for further study, and coincidentally we both got into university in South Australia, so we moved to Adelaide together a few years ago.
•fiancée 未婚妻
•at the time 當時
•apply for 申請
•further study 繼續教育,進修;進一步研究;深造
•coincidentally 碰巧地;巧合地
我的未婚妻,當時的女友,也申請繼續深造,巧的是我們都考上南澳大學(University of South Australia),所以幾年前一起搬到阿得雷德( Adelaide)。
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I was lucky to get a university job at Flinders University. Initially, I started out as a casual lecturer in the law school, but I’ve since transitioned into teaching health law and research, and I’m currently writing a few books on the intersection between law and medicine. And also, obviously, trying to finish my dentistry degree!
•start out as… 起初擔任...
•transition into… 轉變到...
我很幸運的在福林德斯大學(Flinders University)找到工作,起初我在法學院擔任臨時講師,但我後來轉換到醫事法教學及研究。目前我正撰寫幾本關於法律與醫學相接的書籍,並努力完成我的牙醫學位。
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Mum eventually retrained as a Chinese high school teacher, and she’s still teaching to this day. Like most first generation migrants, she struggled quite a lot, and invested heavily in my success. After we’re married, my fiancée and I are planning to have children, and I’m sure they will have it much easier than I did.
•retrain 重新培養;再培訓;再訓練
•to this day 至今
•first generation migrants 第一代移民
•struggle a lot 掙扎奮鬥許久
•have it much easier 過的比較輕鬆
我的母親最終重新接受培訓,成為一名中文高中老師並執教至今。如同大多數第一代移民,她掙扎奮鬥許久,並為我的成功投資甚多。我與未婚妻打算婚後生孩子,我確信孩子會過的比我輕鬆得多。
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Still, a lot of the failures that I’ve had in my life have really informed a lot of my successes. Looking back, I wouldn't really want to change that to have a smoother life.
•inform [正式] 影響某人的態度或意見
https://www.ldoceonline.com/dictionary/inform
•have a smoother life 有一個更順遂的人生
我的生活中的種種失敗確實為我的成功提供借鑑。回首過去,我不會想要改變那些坎坷經歷去擁有一個更順遂的人生。
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Over the years, I've learned that perseverance is very important. I hope that through telling my story, I can be an example to others who might be in a similar position as I was: to show that there's not just one road to the destination, but many roads. You just need to take the little step that’s right in front of you, and then the next one, and a few years down the track, they will seem like massive achievements.
•over the years 多年來
•perseverance 不屈不撓,堅持不懈
•be an example 成為榜樣
•be in a similar position 處於相似的處境
•down the road/line/track 將來(的路)
多年來,我學到堅持不懈是至關重要的。我希望透過講述自己的故事,能成為其他可能與我有相似處境的人的榜樣:向他們展示通往目的地的路不止一條,有很多路可走。你只需要邁出眼前這一小步,然後再邁出下一步,幾年下來,將會成為巨大成就。
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Photographer: Paul Heinrich instagram.com/paulfheinrich
文章與圖片出處: https://bit.ly/2XJsciq
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翻轉視界: http://bit.ly/3fPvKUs
批判性思考問題大全: http://bit.ly/34rdtJ7
同時也有10000部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過2,910的網紅コバにゃんチャンネル,也在其Youtube影片中提到,...
「make life easier中文」的推薦目錄:
make life easier中文 在 歷史哥澄清唬 Facebook 的最佳解答
【澄清唬爆米花教室:被大內宣淹沒的美國總統署名投書】
先說這篇沒有圖,因為太重要不能亂放圖
在歷史上,從沒有美國總統親自投書到中華民國的報紙。但是在109年10月22日,美國總統參選人拜登以「More Prosperous Future For Our Families」(定稿中文標題:為我們家庭更繁榮的未來),以華人為主體,台灣人為核心訴求,投書聯合報系的世界日報,強調他願意與中國合作而非對抗,鄙棄川普的仇中獵巫,願意與華人聯手,但更重視台灣人的健保經驗,不願台灣人為美國火中取栗而是共同繁榮。
但在一片大奇特的大內宣中,美國總統參選人的投書竟然在台灣地區被忽視。且不說拜登明明在聲譽卓著的 IBD/TIPP民調持續領先,比起川普根本鼓吹台灣人火中取栗(你對抗,我賺軍火,去跟大陸人死嗑來增加我談判勒索本錢)。
拜登不只親自署名投書,還誠懇說明他對台灣/兩岸的四大重點,根本是史上最誠懇與重要的待遇。既然親綠親川普主流媒體不報,那福編來報。
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一、拜登堅持稱台灣是 leading democracy (領導性的民主政體),表示其無意支持台獨立場(不稱國家)
二、拜登大篇幅強調川普仇中、卸責不科學的推卸問題給中國,造成亞裔的困擾與災難,而這不是美國總統應為。(打了那些整天喊支那賤畜以為自己就會成為高等美國人的台灣地區背祖中國人的臉)
三、拜登大談健保對一般百姓重要性,表示他珍視台灣的健保經驗,也是未來與台灣的合作重心。
四、與其獵巫與仇中,他更重視與中國的合作,希望聯盟對世界更有幫助(雖然舉例醫療與氣候,但也只是舉例) 表示願意以兩大強權的合作,謀取更多世界利益。
其他我 不多說,請看原文與譯文。
#拜登給中華民國台灣與聯合報系的面子真的太大了
#聯合報系真正展現實力
#美國總統投書首中華民國系報紙
#大內宣只在意把我們當馬前卒的喇叭川普
為我們家庭更繁榮的未來/前副總統喬瑟夫.拜登
時局多艱,我們國家處在十字路口,正面臨疾病大流行、經濟大衰退,和一場將決定我們未來很長一段時間的選舉。
今年 我們看到美國最好的一面
今年,我們看到美國最好的一面引領我們向前:英勇的醫師、護士、日常雜貨商、餐館業主、必要行業工作者 — 而其中,包括許許多多的亞裔美國人。
今年 我們也看到美國最糟情況
但我們也看到最糟的情況:亞裔美國人誤因新冠病毒遭仇視的行為比比皆是,某種程度上,是因為川普總統發布的仇恨言論所致。亞裔美國人被責備、被唾罵、被攻擊;家園、商家和汽車被侮辱性標記破壞;年幼的孩童被刺傷,還有一名89歲的奶奶,在不斷升級的仇恨文化中遭人火焚。
這不該是我們原本的樣子。
亞裔美國人 使我們國家變強大
近兩個世紀以來,亞裔美國人使我們的國家變得強大 — 從掘金礦工,到加速我們崛起的鐵路和工廠工人,再到推動我們向前邁進的科學家、建築師、藝術家和企業家們。多年來,他們的勇氣、犧牲和成功,為美國夢注入動力,也讓美國穩為自由的燈塔與世界的希望。
川普卻不懂 傷了移民國價值觀
川普總統不懂這些。他帶頭攻擊我們作為移民之國的價值觀,甚至在我們的邊境,拆散成千上萬的孩童與父母。即便在這場大流行到來之前,我們的仇恨犯罪就已達到16年以來的新高。而如今,為了轉移自己抗疫失敗、未能保護我們國家的過失,無論是否因此導致上千反亞裔的種族歧視事件,他仍堅持把新冠病毒稱作「中國病毒」。
作為總統 我捍衛每人的美國夢
措辭很重要,總統措辭更為重要。作為總統,我將捍衛每個人的美國夢,讓每一勤奮努力的家庭,享有通向繁榮和美好未來的公平機會。我將反對任何形式的種族歧視,指示司法部優先處理仇恨犯罪,以彌合仇恨與分裂的傷口,而非煽風點火。
川普失敗 他讓我們的經濟崩盤
唐納德·川普早在今年1月就已知道新冠病毒的致命性,卻未採取任何行動。現在,超過22萬美國人因此失去生命,約3000萬人失去工作、工時和薪水,五分之一的小商家關門。川普失敗的領導力讓我們的經濟崩盤 — 他總統當得愈久,得以完全回歸正軌的時間也愈久。
我會控制疫情 讓我們重回生機
八個月過去了,川普仍然沒有(抗疫)計畫。而我有。
首先要擔起責任,努力控制疫情,讓我們重回生機。我將執行早在3月就擬定的計畫,擊敗新冠病毒。我將聽取科學家、專家的意見;保護我們的家庭;讓新冠檢測、治療, #以及最終的疫苗免費,並對所有人開放。
我會重建經濟 實質救助小商家
我將馬上開始重建更好的經濟,為數百萬遭受重創的小商家提供實質救助。他們是我們社區的生命線 — 但川普腐敗的復甦作法棄他們於不顧,只把紓困資金匯集到大公司手中。75%的亞裔小企業主,未能獲得任何首輪紓困金。這是錯誤的,我已要求確保員工在50人以下的小企業獲得紓困金,我也將增加他們獲得優惠和資金的長遠渠道,減輕阻礙移民業主的語言障礙。
我不會對年收40萬元以下者加稅
質言之,我的經濟復甦計畫將回報以工作,而不只是財富,將創造未來數百萬優薪工作。(信評機構)穆迪的獨立經濟學者發現,比起川普總統的作法,我的計畫會創造多出700萬的工作,以及超過1兆元的經濟增長。我也不會對任何年收入40萬元以下者加稅 —別懷疑。相反地,我還將確保超級富豪和大公司最終支付本應承擔的份額。
讓父母能付學費 讓醫保更平價
我一路走來,都在為工薪和中產家庭而戰;他們之中有許多勤勉奮鬥的移民,來到美國是為更好的生活。我將幫助父母有能力支付子女的優質教育、提高教師薪酬,並讓絕大多數家庭免費就讀公立學院。我將讓照顧年邁父母變得更容易,讓醫療保險更平價。川普現在要通過法院,廢除「可負擔健保法」,在一場致命大流行之中,剝奪數千萬人的醫療保險,這毫無道理。
與盟友並肩 深化與台灣的關係
同時,新冠病毒證明美國不能自外於世界。從重建我們最親近夥伴的關係開始,我們必須與其他國家攜手合作,應對影響我們所有人的國際挑戰。我們是一個太平洋強國,將與盟友並肩,增進我們在亞太地區共享的繁榮、安全與價值。這其中就包括深化與台灣這個居領先地位的民主政體、主要經濟體,以及科技重鎮的關係。台灣也是開放社會可以有效控制新冠病毒的閃亮典範。
更新領導力 符合美利益與中合作
我們應對中國的方式,會聚焦增強美國競爭力,再興國內優勢,並更新我們在海外的聯盟與領導力。我們將在符合美國利益的領域與中國合作,包括公共衛生和氣候變遷。
讓家庭團聚 修復破碎的移民系統
美國向來不只靠強大的國力,而是用身為榜樣的實力領導世界。要切實重現此景,我們也必須修復破碎的移民系統,讓家庭團聚,確保美國繼續吸引全球最出色與最聰明的人。
我將會傾聽 重塑我們熱愛的國魂
我競選是為讓美國更好的重建,重建美國作為一個充滿機會,團結和有全新開始的國家;一個由數代移民讓其強大的地方;一個所有人都能發聲、每張選票都有價值的地方。我將引領這些議題,更重要的是,我會傾聽。所以,請確保你今天將選票投出。
讓我們一起,重塑我們熱愛的國魂。
(世界日報華盛頓記者羅曉媛/譯)
More Prosperous Future For Our Families
by Former Vice President Joseph Biden for World Journal
These are tough times. Our country is at a crossroads, facing a pandemic, a recession, and an election that will decide our futures for a very long time.
This year, we've seen the best of America carry us forward: heroic doctors, nurses, grocers, restaurant owners, essential workers–including so many Asian Americans.
But we've also seen the worst: acts of hate against Asian Americans wrongly blamed for COVID-19, spurred on, in part, by hateful rhetoric from President Trump. They've been screamed at, spit on, and assaulted. Homes, businesses, and cars vandalized with slurs. Small children stabbed. An 89-year-old grandmother set on fire amid this rising culture of hate.
This is not who we are.
For nearly two centuries, Asian Americans have made our country strong–from the gold miners and railroad and factory workers who helped to power our rise; to the scientists, architects, artists, and entrepreneurs who are helping to drive us forward now. For years, their courage, sacrifices, and success have powered the American Dream and helped America stand as a beacon of freedom and hope to the world.
President Trump doesn't get that. He has led an assault on our values as a nation of immigrants, even tearing thousands of children from their parents' arms at our border. Hate crimes against people are at a 16-year-high, even before this pandemic. And now, to deflect blame for his failure to protect our nation from this crisis, he insists on calling COVID-19 the "China virus," no matter how many thousands of reported racist incidents against Asian Americans it encourages.
Words matter – and a president's words matter even more. As President, I'll defend the American Dream for everyone, so every hardworking family has the same fair shot at prosperity and a better future. I'll stand against racism in every form, directing the Justice Department to prioritize hate crimes, and working to heal the wounds of hatred and division, not fan the flames.
Donald Trump knew how deadly COVID-19 was back in January and did nothing to stop it. Now, more than 220,000 Americans are dead. Some 30 million have lost jobs, hours, wages. One in five small businesses have shut down. Trump's failed leadership has tanked our economy – and the longer he's president, the longer it'll take to get it fully up and running again.
We're eight months in, but Trump still has no plan. I do.
It starts with taking responsibility and doing the hard work to control this pandemic and get our lives back. I'll implement the plan I've laid out since March to beat COVID-19. I'll listen to scientists and experts; protect our families; and make testing, treatment, and any eventual vaccine free and available to everyone.
I'll get right to work building our economy back better – getting real relief out to millions of hard-hit small businesses. They're the lifeblood of our communities – but Trump's corrupt recovery passed them by, funneling funds to big corporations instead. Some 75% of Asian-owned small businesses weren't expected to get any first-round stimulus funds at all. It's wrong. I've called for ensuring small businesses with less than 50 employees get new relief funds. And I'll boost their long-term access to credit and capital, and work to ease the language barriers that can hold back immigrant entrepreneurs.
Through it all, my economic recovery plan will reward work, not just wealth, creating millions of good paying jobs of the future. Independent economists at Moody's found that my plan creates 7 million more jobs – and $1 trillion more in economic growth – than President Trump's would. And I won't raise taxes on anyone earning less than $400,000 a year – period. Instead, I'll make sure the super wealthy and big corporations finally pay their fair share.
I've fought my whole career for working and middle class families – so many of them hard-working immigrants who came to America in search of a better life. I'll help parents afford a quality education for their kids, boosting teacher pay and making public college free for most families. I'll make it easier to care for aging parents, and make health care more affordable. Trump is in court right now trying to repeal the Affordable Care Act, stripping tens of millions of people of health coverage in the middle of a deadly pandemic. It makes no sense.
Meanwhile, COVID-19 is proof that the United States can't isolate itself from the world. We have to work with other nations to meet global challenges that impact us all, starting by rebuilding our relationships with our closest partners. We're a Pacific power, and we'll stand with friends and allies to advance our shared prosperity, security, and values in the Asia-Pacific region. That includes deepening our ties with Taiwan, a leading democracy, major economy, technology powerhouse – and a shining example of how an open society can effectively contain COVID-19. And our approach to China will focus on boosting American competitiveness, revitalizing our strengths at home, and renewing our alliances and leadership abroad. We'll work to collaborate with China when it's in our interest, including on public health and climate change.
America has always led the world not only with the example of our power, but the power of our example. To truly do that again, we also have to fix our broken immigration system, keeping families together and ensuring the United States continues to draw the world's best and brightest.
I'm running to build America back better, as a country of opportunity, unity, and new beginnings. A place made strong by generations of immigrants. A place where everyone has a voice and every vote counts. I'll lead on these issues, and more importantly, I'll listen. So please make sure you get your vote in today. Together we'll restore the soul of this nation we love.
#福編編譯? (編譯個鬼,是世界日報了不起! 大內宣與遍地綠媒鬼遮眼)
make life easier中文 在 許秀雯 律師 Facebook 的最讚貼文
【亞洲究竟何時才會通過同性婚姻?】(中譯)
Foreign Policy 於日前(11/30) 刊出專文報導台灣婚姻平權法案進程,文章以伴侶盟發起「婚姻平權革命陣線」,於 2014/10/5 彩虹圍城行動中,群眾把婚姻平權四個大球推入立院作為開頭。精要勾勒了近年來台灣婚姻平權發展簡史,並詳盡分析了目前法案風雲詭譎的政治情勢,報導也委婉但明確點出,婚姻平權法案的通過與否,正在考驗著蔡總統的領導能力與政治誠信。
原文 參見
http://foreignpolicy.com/2016/11/30/marriage-equality-in-taiwan-isnt-a-done-deal-tsai-ing-wen-legislation-lgbt-taipei/?wp_login_redirect=0
作者/LINDA VAN DER HORST
2016年11月30日
中文翻譯:Tasha Chang
標題:When Will Asia Finally Have Same-Sex Marriage?
亞洲究竟何時才會通過同性婚姻??
Taiwan is on the verge of becoming the first Asian government to legalize marriage equality. But the public is deeply divided.
台灣即將成為亞洲第一個同性婚姻合法化的國家,但輿論仍高度分歧。
In October 2014, a crowd at an LGBT rights rally in Taipei, one of many, lobbed four large red balloons emblazoned with the Chinese characters for marriage equality into the fenced courtyard of Taiwan’s legislature. At that time, a comfortable majority of Taiwanese supported same-sex marriage; a number of polls in the self-governing island of 23 million indicated as much, with one showing as many as 71 percent in favor. But several initiatives to amend the law to achieve marriage equality, first mooted in 2003, have not been successful. Two years later, three marriage equality bills now sit on legislators’ desks; although international media have been quick to announce that Taiwan stands on the cusp of being the first government in Asia to achieve marriage equality, the island’s public seems deeply divided. In the latest poll on the subject, released on Nov. 29, 46 percent of respondents supported marriage equality, while 45 percent opposed it. Meanwhile, Taiwan’s lawmakers and its civil society have been more cautious than recent headlines in Western media suggest.
2014年10月,在架起拒馬的立法院外,有一大群為了同志權益發聲的群眾,高推著四顆分別寫著「婚」、「姻」、「平」、「權」四字的紅色大球,推往立法院的方向。當時,在有著2,300萬人口的台灣,有絕大多數民眾都支持婚姻平權,幾個民意調查也顯示同樣的結果,其中有個調查的支持度甚至還高達71%。然而,最早於2003年所發動,接續欲修法以達成婚姻平權的數個提案,最後都無疾而終。兩年後,三套版本的婚姻平權法案現正擺在立法委員的案前等待審議。雖然國際媒體迅速下了判斷宣告台灣即將成為亞洲第一個達成婚姻平權的國家,但台灣的民意似乎仍高度分歧。最近一次於今年11月29日公布的一份調查指出,46%的受訪者支持婚姻平權,另有45%的受訪者表示反對。同時,相較於西方國際媒體樂觀的報導走向,台灣的立法委員與公民社會的態度反而較為小心謹慎。
Island-wide marriage equality initiatives have been unsuccessful in spite of growing support over decades. Even without national legislation, many local governments in Taiwan now allow same-sex couples to participate in collective weddings and to record their partnership in household registries across the island, although neither action confers any legal rights.
過去數十年,即便婚姻平權的支持度越來越高,推動婚姻平權的行動卻屢遭挫敗。雖然中央尚未立法保障同志權益,台灣有許多地方政府已開放同性伴侶參與聯合婚禮並開放同性伴侶註記,然無論是聯合婚禮還是同性伴侶註記,皆未能給予同性伴侶法律上的權利。
To many, the election of President Tsai Ing-wen and her Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) in January portended a broader, deeper change. Tsai openly made statements that appeared to support marriage equality during and after her campaign. In an October 2015 Facebook video posted to coincide with Taipei’s annual LGBT pride parade, Tsai exclaimed, “Everyone is equal before love.” A year later, she posted a photo on her Facebook page showing a rainbow, adding that her “belief has not changed” post-election. In August, Tsai appointed the first transgender official in government, Audrey Tang, as executive councilor for digital policy, which looked like another step toward acceptance of different gender norms.
對於許多人來說,現任總統蔡英文與其所屬政黨民主進步黨(民進黨)在一月總統大選的勝選,預告了更大幅度、更深程度的改變。無論是在選舉期間或當選後,蔡英文數次公開發表支持婚姻平權的文章。2015年10月,為響應臺北的年度同志大遊行,蔡英文的臉書發表了一支影片,影片中的蔡英文說道:「在愛之前,大家都是平等的。」一年過後,她在臉書上發佈了一則彩虹橫跨天際的照片,補充道:「雖然我的身分變了,但是我相信的價值沒有改變」,強調選後立場沒有改變。今年八月,蔡英文內閣任命首位跨性別官員唐鳳擔任政務委員,督導數位經濟與開放政府。此舉看來又是另一個接納不同性別典範的舉措。
Since Tsai took office this May, pressure has been building on her to deliver.
自蔡英文五月就任後,要求實現承諾的壓力升高
Since Tsai took office this May, pressure has been building on her to deliver. Yet she has never explicitly promised that her administration would push for same-sex marriage legislation, and critics have feared that once in office, she would find herself unable to follow through on her progressive rhetoric. The party that Tsai leads, the DPP, “has neither devoted sufficient resources to communicate the issues of marriage equality nor to reconcile differences within the party,” Victoria Hsu, who heads the nonprofit Taiwan Alliance to Promote Civil Partnership Rights (TAPCPR), told Foreign Policy.
蔡英文自今年五月就任後,要求她實現承諾的壓力不斷升高。然而,蔡英文卻從來沒有公開承諾她的行政團隊會推動婚姻平權的立法,批評者認為,一旦就任,蔡英文就無法堅持實現她過往曾發表過充滿進步性的言論。非營利組織台灣伴侶權益推動聯盟理事長許秀雯向《外交政策》表示,「蔡總統所領導的民進黨一直沒有真正投注夠多的資源在婚姻平權議題之上,或去溝通與化解黨內歧見。」
It was therefore a setback when Justice Minister Chiu Tai-san announced in August that his ministry still intended to introduce its own same-sex partnership bill — but only in 2017, after studying the impact of such a law on Taiwanese society. (In Taiwan, ministries can introduce bills into the legislature.) The effort dates back to the previous, more socially conservative Kuomintang (KMT) administration of Ma Ying-jeou and is an attempt to compromise between supporters of marriage equality and religious groups opposed. Proposing a separate law for same-sex partnership is politically easier, as it leaves the institution of marriage as currently constituted unchanged.
於是,當法務部長邱太三在八月宣布,經過研究相關法律對於台灣社會的影響,法務部仍傾向在2017年推出同性伴侶法時(台灣的行政部門可自行推出法案送進立法院審議),對於同志社群來說是一大挫敗。推行同性伴侶法可溯及較為保守的國民黨馬英九政府當權時期,用意在面對支持婚姻平權的群眾與反對婚姻平權的宗教團體中取得妥協。對於當政者而言,推動同性伴侶專法因未修改現行婚姻制度,在政治上的壓力較小。
In the absence of strong top-down leadership on the issue from Tsai, momentum for the bills currently under consideration has come from the bottom up. Audrey Ko, the chief editor of Womany, an online media outlet focused on gender issues and LGBT rights, says a stigma remains for gays and lesbians in Taiwan, one her company seeks to dispel. Other organizations, such as the Taiwan Tongzhi (LGBT) Hotline Association, perform peer counseling and advocacy work. Even corporations are chipping in; in March, McDonald’s released a commercial in which a son comes out to his father in one of its restaurants. (The father accepts it.)
缺少蔡英文「從上而下」貫徹的領導力,對於三個版本婚姻平權法案的支持聲量多來自「由下而上」的力量。關注性別與同志議題的線上媒體女人迷總編輯柯采岑表示,臺灣的同志族群還是被污名化,而女人迷就是想要破除此種污名;其他的組織例如台灣同志諮詢熱線協會則提供同志諮詢服務與倡議。企業也紛紛響應婚姻平權的議題。今年三月,在麥當勞發表的電視廣告中,有一個兒子在麥當勞向自己的父親出櫃(而父親也接受他了)。
This summer, a number of Taiwanese pop artists organized a benefit concert to raise awareness for marriage equality; tickets sold out in minutes. Pop superstar Jolin Tsai performed a lesbian-themed song for the occasion. In the music video for the song “We’re All Different, Yet the Same,” she makes the case for marriage equality by describing the plight of a woman whose partner of more than 30 years is hospitalized; the woman is unable to sign a consent form for emergency surgery because she is legally not a spouse or family member.
今年夏天,有多個臺灣流行音樂藝人組織了一場為婚姻平權而唱的公益演唱會,演唱會門票一開賣就在幾分鐘內售罄。流行樂天后蔡依林在該場演唱會中也演出以女同志為主題的歌。在她的「不一樣又怎樣」的MV中,描述了一對相守30年的女同志伴侶,其中一位因病住院,然她的伴侶卻無法在她需要進行緊急手術時簽署手術同意書,因為她的伴侶並不具有配偶或是親屬的身份。
A real-life version of this tragedy triggered public outcry and reinvigorated support for marriage equality. On Oct. 16, 67-year-old French professor Jacques Picoux fell to his death from the top of a 10-story building in Taipei, police said. He is thought to have committed suicide after depression caused by the death of his partner due to cancer; Picoux was unable to make medical decisions for his partner in his final days, as Picoux had no legal status. In a response to this outcry, legislators from the DPP and the KMT, as well as the caucus of the New Power Party (NPP), a young activist organization, all introduced similar marriage equality bills.
此種悲劇的真實案例引發了社會上強烈的抗議聲浪,推動婚姻平權運動更進一步。在今年10月16日,據警方表示,67歲的法國籍教授畢安生(Jacques Picoux)從位於台北的10樓住家一躍而下身亡。據悉,他有可能是因長期伴侶因癌症過世所引發的憂鬱症而自殺。當畢安生的伴侶在癌症末期時,因他沒有法律地位而無法替伴侶做醫療決定。為了回應關於婚姻平權的呼聲,民進黨與國民黨的立委以及由年輕的社運組織所組成的時代力量的黨團都推出了類似的婚姻平權法案。
All three proposals would amend the Taiwan Civil Code to open marriage to same-sex couples, but they differ in how to do so. DPP legislator Yu Mei-nu’s proposal introduces a general provision extending to same-sex couples the right to marriage, as well as other family law rights that accompany married status. But it leaves further gendered language across the civil code intact. The proposals of KMT legislator Hsu Yu-ren and the NPP would make references to “husband and wife” and “father and mother” gender-neutral throughout all relevant civil code provisions. These latter two proposals have great symbolic meaning, because they remove a heterosexual presumption from the code, but the legal effect is likely no different than Yu’s proposal.
這三個提案都主張修改民法將婚姻制度對同性伴侶開放,但對於如何開放則各有其詮釋。民進黨尤美女的版本採用一概括條款(註:新增民法971-1條)使同性配偶適用夫妻、父母子女等相關權利義務,但保留了民法中「性別化」的法律用語,未加修改。國民黨立委許毓仁與時代力量黨團的版本則將「夫妻」、「父母」等現行民法中的用語性別中立化。許毓仁與時代力量的版本,將異性戀預設的用語「性別中立化」而具有重大的象徵性意義,但若在法律適用結果而論,三個版本並無太大差異。
There is still a long legislative road to travel before Taiwan can become the first Asian government to legalize same-sex marriage. The bills passed their first reading on Nov. 17, but the DPP caucus whip has said the proposed bills will next be reviewed on Dec. 26. During the review process, any legislator can introduce a competing same-sex partnership act. Even if the bills were to enter a second reading, they could still face a boycott and be removed from the agenda. The bills will only become legislation after passing three readings.
臺灣要成為亞洲第一個將同性婚姻合法化的國家,仍有一大段立法之路要走。婚姻平權三版本的民法修正案都在今年11月17日通過了立法院一讀,而民進黨黨團總召表示,下一次審議的時間為12月26日。在審查過程中,任何一位立法委員都可以提出同性伴侶法作為對案。即便三個版本的婚姻平權法案進入了二讀,也還是有可能面臨杯葛而無法排進立法院的議程中。這三個版本的法案要通過三讀才有可能正式成為法律。
As these bills went through their first reading in the legislature this month, thousands of people protesting against marriage equality, and only several hundred rallying for it, gathered on Taipei’s streets.
當三個版本的法案本月在立法院通過一讀後,上千名反對婚姻平權的民眾走上台北街頭集結,當天支持婚姻平權而上街的民眾僅數百人。
As these bills went through their first reading in the legislature this month, thousands of people protesting against marriage equality, and only several hundred rallying for it, gathered on Taipei’s streets. Opposition to marriage equality in Taiwan largely comes from small but well-organized and vocal conservative religious groups. Four people reportedly even managed to storm into the legislative meeting room, shouting that the “legislators are monsters” and would want to change Taiwan “into an AIDS island.”
這三個版本的法案本月都在立法院通過一讀,為此,上千名反對婚姻平權的民眾走上台北街頭集結,然當天上街支持婚姻平權的民眾卻只有數百人。在台灣,大部分反對婚姻平權的民眾來自規模小但組織嚴密且發言聲量大的保守宗教團體。據報載,甚至有四名反對修法的民眾嘗試要衝進立法院司法及法制委員會的會議室,高喊著:「立委都是怪獸」、台灣要變「愛滋島」。
It is hard to tell whether the legislature will pass a same-sex marriage bill this time, says Hsu of TAPCPR, partly because of internal opposition within the DPP and KMT. (The NPP caucus fully supports its bill but only holds five seats in legislature.) Tsai has reiterated that the bills are “clear evidence” marriage equality has support across all parties. But even Yu, who introduced the DPP bill, says she is only cautiously optimistic about the chances of passing a marriage equality law.
台灣伴侶權益推動聯盟理事長許秀雯表示,現在沒有辦法預知立法院是否會通過婚姻平權法案,情勢走向如何,真的很難說。因為主要政黨國民黨及民進黨的立委雖然都有提出婚姻平權民法修正案,但這兩個黨裡面也都有反對者(時代力量雖然全黨都支持婚姻平權,在立法院內也只有五個席次)。蔡英文總統數度表示,不同版本婚姻平權法案的推出,即為此議題獲得跨黨派支持的「明證」。然而,即便是推出民進黨版本婚姻平權法案的尤美女立委也表示,對於婚姻平權是否能過關成為法律,她仍只抱持審慎樂觀的態度。
Outside lawmakers’ offices, the battle for public support continues. If anything, it seems to be waning precisely at the time when it will be most needed. “More and more people are confessing that they love gays but that they don’t support same-sex marriage,” said Ko, because they believe allowing same-sex partners to get married will harm traditional family values. She is therefore unsure whether Taiwan will manage to pass a bill in the next year. At least, Ko added, “people are talking [about it], and it is not a taboo anymore.”
在立法委員的辦公室外,爭取民意支持的戰爭仍未停歇。若真要說,此時此刻婚姻平權運動最需要的是什麼?大概就是更多的支持。女人迷總編輯柯采岑表示,「有越來越多人坦白表示,他們愛同志但是不支持婚姻平權」,因為他們認為,若同性伴侶可以結婚,將損害傳統家庭價值。」她也說,不確定臺灣能否在明年內通過婚姻平權法案。她補充:「但至少,大家都開始討論(婚姻平權法案)了,這再也不是禁忌了。」