關於 prioritize中文 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

百龍夜行中，各個魔物類別會有不同的行動傾向。
【強襲】優先攻擊獵人／【射擊】優先從遠距離攻擊獵人／【破壞】優先攻擊關卡
【強大魔物】尺寸較大、威力強／【首領】率領群體的強大個體
Nintendo Switch遊戲《Monster Hunter Rise》將於2021年3月26日發售，提供亞洲版，支援繁簡中文字幕。官方網站：https://www.monsterhunter.com/rise/hk/?utm_source=cac_fb&utm_medium=social&utm_campaign=20210318

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Know your foes before you take on the Rampage. #MHRise

🟥 Stalkers prioritize attacking Hunters.
🟩 Targeters shoot projectiles from afar.
🟦 Gate Crashers focus on gates.
💀 Major Threats ...

Monster Hunter Rise coming 26 March 2021 on Nintendo Switch. Official website: https://www.monsterhunter.com/rise/en-asia/?utm_source=cac_fb&utm_medium=social&utm_campaign=20210318

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백룡야행에서는 타입에 따른 몬스터의 행동 경향이 존재합니다.
【강습】헌터를 공격하는 것을 우선한다/【사격】원거리에서 헌터를 공격하는 것을 우선한다/【파괴】관문을 공격하는 것을 우선한다
【거물】사이즈가 굉장히 크고 강력한 개체/【주인】무리를 이끄는 강력한 개체
「Monster Hunter Rise」는 2021년 3월 26일에 닌텐도 스위치에서 출시될 예정이며, 아시아판에서 한국어 자막이 제공됩니다.
https://www.monsterhunter.com/rise/kr/?utm_source=cac_fb&utm_medium=social&utm_campaign=20210318

【澄清唬爆米花教室：被大內宣淹沒的美國總統署名投書】

先說這篇沒有圖，因為太重要不能亂放圖

在歷史上，從沒有美國總統親自投書到中華民國的報紙。但是在109年10月22日，美國總統參選人拜登以「More Prosperous Future For Our Families」(定稿中文標題：為我們家庭更繁榮的未來)，以華人為主體，台灣人為核心訴求，投書聯合報系的世界日報，強調他願意與中國合作而非對抗，鄙棄川普的仇中獵巫，願意與華人聯手，但更重視台灣人的健保經驗，不願台灣人為美國火中取栗而是共同繁榮。

但在一片大奇特的大內宣中，美國總統參選人的投書竟然在台灣地區被忽視。且不說拜登明明在聲譽卓著的 IBD/TIPP民調持續領先，比起川普根本鼓吹台灣人火中取栗(你對抗，我賺軍火，去跟大陸人死嗑來增加我談判勒索本錢)。

拜登不只親自署名投書，還誠懇說明他對台灣/兩岸的四大重點，根本是史上最誠懇與重要的待遇。既然親綠親川普主流媒體不報，那福編來報。

★
一、拜登堅持稱台灣是 leading democracy (領導性的民主政體)，表示其無意支持台獨立場(不稱國家)

二、拜登大篇幅強調川普仇中、卸責不科學的推卸問題給中國，造成亞裔的困擾與災難，而這不是美國總統應為。(打了那些整天喊支那賤畜以為自己就會成為高等美國人的台灣地區背祖中國人的臉)

三、拜登大談健保對一般百姓重要性，表示他珍視台灣的健保經驗，也是未來與台灣的合作重心。

四、與其獵巫與仇中，他更重視與中國的合作，希望聯盟對世界更有幫助(雖然舉例醫療與氣候，但也只是舉例) 表示願意以兩大強權的合作，謀取更多世界利益。

其他我 不多說，請看原文與譯文。

#拜登給中華民國台灣與聯合報系的面子真的太大了
#聯合報系真正展現實力
#美國總統投書首中華民國系報紙
#大內宣只在意把我們當馬前卒的喇叭川普

為我們家庭更繁榮的未來／前副總統喬瑟夫．拜登

時局多艱，我們國家處在十字路口，正面臨疾病大流行、經濟大衰退，和一場將決定我們未來很長一段時間的選舉。

今年 我們看到美國最好的一面

今年，我們看到美國最好的一面引領我們向前：英勇的醫師、護士、日常雜貨商、餐館業主、必要行業工作者 — 而其中，包括許許多多的亞裔美國人。

今年 我們也看到美國最糟情況

但我們也看到最糟的情況：亞裔美國人誤因新冠病毒遭仇視的行為比比皆是，某種程度上，是因為川普總統發布的仇恨言論所致。亞裔美國人被責備、被唾罵、被攻擊；家園、商家和汽車被侮辱性標記破壞；年幼的孩童被刺傷，還有一名89歲的奶奶，在不斷升級的仇恨文化中遭人火焚。

這不該是我們原本的樣子。

亞裔美國人 使我們國家變強大

近兩個世紀以來，亞裔美國人使我們的國家變得強大 — 從掘金礦工，到加速我們崛起的鐵路和工廠工人，再到推動我們向前邁進的科學家、建築師、藝術家和企業家們。多年來，他們的勇氣、犧牲和成功，為美國夢注入動力，也讓美國穩為自由的燈塔與世界的希望。

川普卻不懂 傷了移民國價值觀

川普總統不懂這些。他帶頭攻擊我們作為移民之國的價值觀，甚至在我們的邊境，拆散成千上萬的孩童與父母。即便在這場大流行到來之前，我們的仇恨犯罪就已達到16年以來的新高。而如今，為了轉移自己抗疫失敗、未能保護我們國家的過失，無論是否因此導致上千反亞裔的種族歧視事件，他仍堅持把新冠病毒稱作「中國病毒」。

作為總統 我捍衛每人的美國夢

措辭很重要，總統措辭更為重要。作為總統，我將捍衛每個人的美國夢，讓每一勤奮努力的家庭，享有通向繁榮和美好未來的公平機會。我將反對任何形式的種族歧視，指示司法部優先處理仇恨犯罪，以彌合仇恨與分裂的傷口，而非煽風點火。

川普失敗 他讓我們的經濟崩盤

唐納德·川普早在今年1月就已知道新冠病毒的致命性，卻未採取任何行動。現在，超過22萬美國人因此失去生命，約3000萬人失去工作、工時和薪水，五分之一的小商家關門。川普失敗的領導力讓我們的經濟崩盤 — 他總統當得愈久，得以完全回歸正軌的時間也愈久。

我會控制疫情 讓我們重回生機

八個月過去了，川普仍然沒有(抗疫)計畫。而我有。

首先要擔起責任，努力控制疫情，讓我們重回生機。我將執行早在3月就擬定的計畫，擊敗新冠病毒。我將聽取科學家、專家的意見；保護我們的家庭；讓新冠檢測、治療， #以及最終的疫苗免費，並對所有人開放。

我會重建經濟 實質救助小商家

我將馬上開始重建更好的經濟，為數百萬遭受重創的小商家提供實質救助。他們是我們社區的生命線 — 但川普腐敗的復甦作法棄他們於不顧，只把紓困資金匯集到大公司手中。75%的亞裔小企業主，未能獲得任何首輪紓困金。這是錯誤的，我已要求確保員工在50人以下的小企業獲得紓困金，我也將增加他們獲得優惠和資金的長遠渠道，減輕阻礙移民業主的語言障礙。

我不會對年收40萬元以下者加稅

質言之，我的經濟復甦計畫將回報以工作，而不只是財富，將創造未來數百萬優薪工作。(信評機構)穆迪的獨立經濟學者發現，比起川普總統的作法，我的計畫會創造多出700萬的工作，以及超過1兆元的經濟增長。我也不會對任何年收入40萬元以下者加稅 —別懷疑。相反地，我還將確保超級富豪和大公司最終支付本應承擔的份額。

讓父母能付學費 讓醫保更平價

我一路走來，都在為工薪和中產家庭而戰；他們之中有許多勤勉奮鬥的移民，來到美國是為更好的生活。我將幫助父母有能力支付子女的優質教育、提高教師薪酬，並讓絕大多數家庭免費就讀公立學院。我將讓照顧年邁父母變得更容易，讓醫療保險更平價。川普現在要通過法院，廢除「可負擔健保法」，在一場致命大流行之中，剝奪數千萬人的醫療保險，這毫無道理。

與盟友並肩 深化與台灣的關係

同時，新冠病毒證明美國不能自外於世界。從重建我們最親近夥伴的關係開始，我們必須與其他國家攜手合作，應對影響我們所有人的國際挑戰。我們是一個太平洋強國，將與盟友並肩，增進我們在亞太地區共享的繁榮、安全與價值。這其中就包括深化與台灣這個居領先地位的民主政體、主要經濟體，以及科技重鎮的關係。台灣也是開放社會可以有效控制新冠病毒的閃亮典範。

更新領導力 符合美利益與中合作

我們應對中國的方式，會聚焦增強美國競爭力，再興國內優勢，並更新我們在海外的聯盟與領導力。我們將在符合美國利益的領域與中國合作，包括公共衛生和氣候變遷。

讓家庭團聚 修復破碎的移民系統

美國向來不只靠強大的國力，而是用身為榜樣的實力領導世界。要切實重現此景，我們也必須修復破碎的移民系統，讓家庭團聚，確保美國繼續吸引全球最出色與最聰明的人。

我將會傾聽 重塑我們熱愛的國魂

我競選是為讓美國更好的重建，重建美國作為一個充滿機會，團結和有全新開始的國家；一個由數代移民讓其強大的地方；一個所有人都能發聲、每張選票都有價值的地方。我將引領這些議題，更重要的是，我會傾聽。所以，請確保你今天將選票投出。

讓我們一起，重塑我們熱愛的國魂。

(世界日報華盛頓記者羅曉媛／譯)

More Prosperous Future For Our Families
by Former Vice President Joseph Biden for World Journal

These are tough times. Our country is at a crossroads, facing a pandemic, a recession, and an election that will decide our futures for a very long time.

This year, we've seen the best of America carry us forward: heroic doctors, nurses, grocers, restaurant owners, essential workers–including so many Asian Americans.

But we've also seen the worst: acts of hate against Asian Americans wrongly blamed for COVID-19, spurred on, in part, by hateful rhetoric from President Trump. They've been screamed at, spit on, and assaulted. Homes, businesses, and cars vandalized with slurs. Small children stabbed. An 89-year-old grandmother set on fire amid this rising culture of hate.

This is not who we are.

For nearly two centuries, Asian Americans have made our country strong–from the gold miners and railroad and factory workers who helped to power our rise; to the scientists, architects, artists, and entrepreneurs who are helping to drive us forward now. For years, their courage, sacrifices, and success have powered the American Dream and helped America stand as a beacon of freedom and hope to the world.

President Trump doesn't get that. He has led an assault on our values as a nation of immigrants, even tearing thousands of children from their parents' arms at our border. Hate crimes against people are at a 16-year-high, even before this pandemic. And now, to deflect blame for his failure to protect our nation from this crisis, he insists on calling COVID-19 the "China virus," no matter how many thousands of reported racist incidents against Asian Americans it encourages.

Words matter – and a president's words matter even more. As President, I'll defend the American Dream for everyone, so every hardworking family has the same fair shot at prosperity and a better future. I'll stand against racism in every form, directing the Justice Department to prioritize hate crimes, and working to heal the wounds of hatred and division, not fan the flames.

Donald Trump knew how deadly COVID-19 was back in January and did nothing to stop it. Now, more than 220,000 Americans are dead. Some 30 million have lost jobs, hours, wages. One in five small businesses have shut down. Trump's failed leadership has tanked our economy – and the longer he's president, the longer it'll take to get it fully up and running again.

We're eight months in, but Trump still has no plan. I do.

It starts with taking responsibility and doing the hard work to control this pandemic and get our lives back. I'll implement the plan I've laid out since March to beat COVID-19. I'll listen to scientists and experts; protect our families; and make testing, treatment, and any eventual vaccine free and available to everyone.

I'll get right to work building our economy back better – getting real relief out to millions of hard-hit small businesses. They're the lifeblood of our communities – but Trump's corrupt recovery passed them by, funneling funds to big corporations instead. Some 75% of Asian-owned small businesses weren't expected to get any first-round stimulus funds at all. It's wrong. I've called for ensuring small businesses with less than 50 employees get new relief funds. And I'll boost their long-term access to credit and capital, and work to ease the language barriers that can hold back immigrant entrepreneurs.

Through it all, my economic recovery plan will reward work, not just wealth, creating millions of good paying jobs of the future. Independent economists at Moody's found that my plan creates 7 million more jobs – and $1 trillion more in economic growth – than President Trump's would. And I won't raise taxes on anyone earning less than $400,000 a year – period. Instead, I'll make sure the super wealthy and big corporations finally pay their fair share.

I've fought my whole career for working and middle class families – so many of them hard-working immigrants who came to America in search of a better life. I'll help parents afford a quality education for their kids, boosting teacher pay and making public college free for most families. I'll make it easier to care for aging parents, and make health care more affordable. Trump is in court right now trying to repeal the Affordable Care Act, stripping tens of millions of people of health coverage in the middle of a deadly pandemic. It makes no sense.

Meanwhile, COVID-19 is proof that the United States can't isolate itself from the world. We have to work with other nations to meet global challenges that impact us all, starting by rebuilding our relationships with our closest partners. We're a Pacific power, and we'll stand with friends and allies to advance our shared prosperity, security, and values in the Asia-Pacific region. That includes deepening our ties with Taiwan, a leading democracy, major economy, technology powerhouse – and a shining example of how an open society can effectively contain COVID-19. And our approach to China will focus on boosting American competitiveness, revitalizing our strengths at home, and renewing our alliances and leadership abroad. We'll work to collaborate with China when it's in our interest, including on public health and climate change.

America has always led the world not only with the example of our power, but the power of our example. To truly do that again, we also have to fix our broken immigration system, keeping families together and ensuring the United States continues to draw the world's best and brightest.

I'm running to build America back better, as a country of opportunity, unity, and new beginnings. A place made strong by generations of immigrants. A place where everyone has a voice and every vote counts. I'll lead on these issues, and more importantly, I'll listen. So please make sure you get your vote in today. Together we'll restore the soul of this nation we love.

#福編編譯? (編譯個鬼，是世界日報了不起！ 大內宣與遍地綠媒鬼遮眼)

【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

2018年11月16日
影片為大家分享精靈寶可夢GO遊戲中神奧石優先進化攻略的各方面內容與詳情。

神奧石的推出對於各大玩家來說無疑是個驚喜，但由於目前入手神奧石的難度極大，這造成了訓練師們在使用該進化道具時更加需要考量清楚，到底在眾多跨世代的進化形態中，訓練師應該優先把稀有的神奧石花在誰身上才是物超所值的呢?!更多內容與詳情盡在影片中!!!

影片內容僅供參考，並不能作為標準，遊戲開心就好。

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