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在take the bill中文這個產品中，有7篇Facebook貼文，粉絲數超過5萬的網紅吳文遠 Avery Ng，也在其Facebook貼文中提到， 【6.12：追求民主、自由、公義和法治的聲音，依然是佔香港的大多數】 https://youtu.be/qhrwmxeshVw ——————————— 文遠交低話大家記住一定要撐 #文遠Patreon 呀！ ⭐️支持文遠⭐️請訂閱Patreon⭐️ ⭐️Please show your sup...
　同時也有1部Youtube影片，追蹤數超過5,450的網紅402ashley，也在其Youtube影片中提到，HI 大家好, 我是Ashley, 老媽喜歡到酒樓飲茶, 趁今天是閒日, 人數較少, 而我又放假, 就去飲茶吧! 當有位子而茶水又準備好時, 第一時間都會先洗餐具 (如碗筷、杯等),主要目的是怕消毒得不夠徹底‧此外，用茶洗餐具還可以洗走油膩，而且第二泡茶也較好喝呢! 那麼我們吃了什麼呢? 1.咸...

take the bill中文 在 吳文遠 Avery Ng Facebook 的最佳解答

吳文遠 Avery Ng By 吳文遠 Avery Ng

2021-06-11 17:18:49 有 789 人按讚
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【6.12：追求民主、自由、公義和法治的聲音，依然是佔香港的大多數】

https://youtu.be/qhrwmxeshVw

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⭐️支持文遠⭐️請訂閱Patreon⭐️
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兩年前的2019年6月12日，我們香港人團結一致地，至少暫時阻擋了送中條例的立法。雖然當年我們成功阻截了送中條例，但是當時政權察覺到，就算由它們佔據了立法會的大多數，我們民主派還是有能力去抵抗，所以現在它們推出了新的選舉制度。在新制度下，立法會的代表性和人大政協已沒有多大差別，更加無需再討論是否參選或如何投票。

但我還是要提醒各位，縱使今天的狀況有多艱難，縱使政權如何出盡茅招也好，記住、記住、記住，我們在香港追求民主、自由、公義和法治的聲音，依然是佔香港的大多數。正正是因為我們佔據了大多數，這個政府才會出盡茅招去扭曲現時的議會，去扭曲全個制度，它們甚至乎扭曲了整個遊戲規則還不夠，還要將任何反對抱異見的人掃入監倉。

您鎖得住我的肉體，卻鎖不了我的靈魂，更加鎖不了我把口！希望各位在牆外的朋友，尤其是今天這麼熱的日子，見字飲水，KEEP 住我們的動力，我們終有一天是會勝利、是會成功的！

——————————-

［6.12: Voices in pursuit of democracy, freedom, justice and the rule of law are still the majority in Hong Kong］

Two years ago, on 12 June 2019, we in Hong Kong united to stop, at least temporarily, the Extradition Bill. It is very important to note that on that day, we showed our courage and solidarity in Admiralty. Although we have succeeded in stopping the Extradition Bill back then, look at Hong Kong today - we are still under the shameless Carrie Lam regime. At that time, the regime realised that even if they had the majority in the Legislative Council, we democrats were still capable of resisting, so now they have introduced a new electoral system. Under the new system, the representativeness of the Legislative Council is not much different from that of the National People's Congress and the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, and there is no need to discuss whether to run for election or how to vote.

I must remind you that no matter how difficult the situation is today, no matter how hard the regime tries to suppress us, REMEMBER - the majority in Hong Kong are in the pursuit of democracy, freedom, justice and the rule of law. This is precisely why this government has gone to great lengths to distort the current legislature, to distort the whole system, and they have even gone so far as to throw anyone in opposition into jail.

You can lock up my body, but not my soul, and not my mouth!

I don't know when I'll be back, but I hope that all of you outside the walls, especially on such a hot day, to take care of yourselves, and keep up our momentum, so that one day we will win and succeed. In the mean time, take care!

#612
#612基金
#反送中

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吳文遠 Avery Ng

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take the bill中文 在 Goodbye HK, Hello UK Facebook 的精選貼文

Goodbye HK, Hello UK By Goodbye HK, Hello UK

2020-09-08 08:16:00 有 3,868 人按讚
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美帝大字典，"Decoupling"「巧得意」

美帝今日Labour Day响White House開記者會，解釋"decouple"呢個字點解，話得意㗎（“an interesting word”）。

“If we didn’t do business with [China], we wouldn’t lose billions of dollars. It’s called decoupling. So you’ll start thinking about it. You’ll start thinking they take our money and they spend it on building aeroplanes and building ships and building rockets and missiles.”
（如果我地唔同中國做生意，係唔會輸好多錢嘅。呢樣嘢叫「脫鉤」，大家係時候諗諗，佢地攞緊我地嘅錢起船、飛機、火箭同大炮。）

然後美帝就亮劍喇，

“We will make America into the manufacturing superpower of the world and will end our reliance on China once and for all. Whether it's decoupling, or putting in massive tariffs like I've been doing already, we will end our reliance on China, because we can't rely on China.”
（我地要一次過停止依賴中國，令美國成為超級生產強國。叫「脫鉤」又好，好似依家做緊嘅懲罰性關稅也好，都要停止依賴中國，因為我地唔可以再咁做。）
#巧得意

報導：
《Financial Times》
Trump floats ‘decoupling’ US economy from China
https://on.ft.com/35lRgNQ

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take the bill中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳解答

黃之鋒 Joshua Wong By 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong

2020-04-08 18:22:53 有 400 人按讚
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【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

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黃之鋒 Joshua Wong

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黃之鋒．民主派初選民意代表．前香港眾志秘書長．前學民思潮召集人
526095 followers 480657 likes "https://www.patreon.com/joshuawong"
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take the bill中文 在 402ashley Youtube 的精選貼文

402ashley By 402ashley

2016-08-07 19:30:53 有 968 人看過 有 9 人喜歡
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HI 大家好, 我是Ashley, 老媽喜歡到酒樓飲茶, 趁今天是閒日, 人數較少, 而我又放假, 就去飲茶吧!
當有位子而茶水又準備好時, 第一時間都會先洗餐具 (如碗筷、杯等),主要目的是怕消毒得不夠徹底‧此外，用茶洗餐具還可以洗走油膩，而且第二泡茶也較好喝呢!

那麼我們吃了什麼呢?

1.咸菜豬肚
我爸很喜歡吃這個, 現在我也被他感染了。它鹹鹹的、還有黑胡椒及蒜頭的味道, 可除去豬肚的內臟的味道, 挺不錯喔!

2. 咸水角
老媽很喜歡吃, 每次到酒樓都要點!

3. 餃子
也是老媽喜愛的點心

4. 濃湯浸菜心苗
期間我們也叫了一碟菜心,別小看這碟簡單的菜心, 當飲茶時, 菜心是很重要的, 因為蔬菜能帶走油膩感。

5. 紅豆包

6. 紅棗糕
個人超級推介這碟紅棗糕, 因為非常吸引! 個人建議一家要趁熱吃, 因為這才能看到它的紋理。如果能在它很熱的時候分出一層層的話, 它就是一碟好吃的紅棗糕。

倒茶時敲桌以示謝意
在酒棲除了吃點心外, 當然少不免飲茶, 這可以消滯。
無論長輩或平輩幫自己倒茶時, 都會以敲桌以示謝意。

每個圓點代表每碟點心, 以便得知我們所吃的點心類型, 然後把這張點心單交到收銀處付費。

飲茶是可以消磨時間, 最少都需要2-3小時, 所以也是共聚天倫的好選擇。

今天的分享就到此為止‧如果對此片有意見或想跟我分享的話, 請在下面留言, 我們下次見!

===========================
Hi , this is Ashley. My mum loves to yum Cha in restaurant. As today is weekday & I am dayoff, it’s fine to enjoy Yum Cha since there’s not so many people here.

While table ia available & tea is ready, we will wash the dishes by hot water & tea first, to make sure all the dishes are clean enough. Also, the second tea will be tasted better since oily can be washed away by making use of first tea!

So what will we going to eat?

1. Salt Pork Bellies
My dad loves this one. And now I like it too! It tastes salty with black pepper and garlic flavor, which can be removed the odor of pork bellies!

2. Salty dumpling
Everytime when my mum comes restaurant, she orders this dim sum.

3. Jiao Zi
My mum loves it too!

4. Cabbage
We also order this cabbage. Even though we can cook this vegetable at home, it can take away the oily feeling when eating dim sum. So cabbage is very important and it must be ordered!

5. Red Bean Bread

6. Jujube cake
I strongly recommend this dim sum. It’s very delicious! you can see its texture and its layers can be separated when it is hot. So it must be hot to eat.

Except dim sum, tea is also drunk to take away the oily feeling when yum cha.
When someone (no matter old or same generation) is pouring the tea for us, we will knock the table to say “thank you”.

Each dot represents each dim sum, so that we will know what type of dim sum we ate. Then we will take this card for paying the bill.

Yum Cha can be spend 2-3 hours. It is a good chance to chat and share something with your family.

So we stop it here now. If you have something wanted to share with me, please leave a message. See you next time!

====================
Cameria: Meizu MX 4
Music: Life of Riley
「Kevin MacLeod」創作的「Life of Riley」獲得「Creative Commons Attribution」的授權使用 (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/)
來源：http://incompetech.com/music/royalty-free/index.html?isrc=USUAN1400054
演出者：http://incompetech.com/

===================
this video is edited by Sinming Ashley

it is not sponsored video

email: sinming402@gmail.com

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80後女生, 喜歡去旅行, 但不是常常去旅行, 所以拍影片記下旅遊的回憶。 同時也發現自己的出生地(香港) 也有好的一面, 所以也有拍下自己在香港生活的點滴。 喜歡聽配樂, 喜歡想東想西, 較少說話, 但有時也很女神經, 認為正能量很重要。
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take the bill中文 在 [ 瞬间词汇03] Instant Grab " Bill, check, invoice "/ " 账单" 英文 ... 的推薦與評價

影片讀取中

" Bill " 账单“ 用英文怎样表达；即时瞬间学习日常地道英语口语/习语.欢迎订阅我的频道：https://youtube.com/channel/UCw_ZWyL1Fi8W2pFVKzrkw0w本期 ... ... <看更多>

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結帳英文會話
買單英文
櫃檯結帳英文
店員結帳英文
櫃台結帳英文
收銀結帳英文
pay the bill中文
Pay for the bill
搜尋相關連結

#1. 吃完飯想結帳，英文該用bill還是check？

聽過一個Bill 和Beer的笑話嗎？有人到美國出差，到餐廳吃完餐想結帳，於是他說："Can you give me the bill? "結果服務生送來了一杯啤酒， ...

#2. 記住："買單~「不是」pay the bill" - 每日頭條

have/get the bill. 最常用的用法，其他類似表達：pick up the bill; foot the bill. Can we have the bill please? 麻煩，買單。 take the check.

#3. 拜託！「買單」不要再說「pay the bill」啦！ - 壹讀

Can we have the bill please? 麻煩，買單。 take the check. check 在這裡指「帳單」的意思，也可以作動詞表"買單".

#4. take the Bill - Linguee | 中英词典（更多其他语言）

大量翻译例句关于"take the Bill" – 英中词典以及8百万条中文译文例句搜索。

#5. 拜托！“买单”不要再说“pay the bill”啦！ - 英语点津

Can we have the bill please? 麻烦，买单。 take the check check 在这里指“账单”的意思，也可以作动词表"买单". We'll take the check.

#6. pick up the bill/tab中文(繁體)翻譯：劍橋詞典

3 天前 — pick up the bill/tab 在英語-中文（繁體）詞典中的翻譯 ... pick up the thread(s) idiom · pick up/take the ball and run with it idiom ...

#7. 雙語| 拜託！「買單」不要再說「pay the bill」啦！ - 今天頭條

2. Can we have the bill please? 麻煩，買單。 3. take the check. check在這裡指「賬單」的意思，也可以作動詞表"買單 ...

#8. take up bill 中文 - 查查在線詞典

take up bill中文:付清帳單…，點擊查查權威綫上辭典詳細解釋take up bill的中文翻譯，take up bill的發音，音標，用法和例句等。

#9. 「結帳、買單」英文怎麼說？checkout? bill？來一次搞懂！

在餐廳結帳時，會常用到check 和bill 兩個單字，這兩個字都是名詞，代表的是餐廳帳單的意思，如果你在餐廳想要結帳，就可以說：. Check, please. May I have the bill / ...

#10. 拜託!「買單」不要再說「pay the bill」啦! - 人人焦點

Can we have the bill please? 麻煩，買單。 take the check check 在這裡指「帳單」的意思，也可以作動詞表"買單". We'll take the check.

#11. 「 pay the bill 」不是買單的意思？這些纔是用英文 ... - 雪花新闻

最常用的用法，其他類似表達：pick up the bill; foot the bill. 例句：. Can we have the bill please? 麻煩，買單。 2. take the check.

#12. 補習老師英文英語自學take up a bill中文意思是什麼@ blog

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#13. BBC Learning English - 今日短语/ To foot the bill 买单

A phrase which means 'pay the bill' ... 中文 Change Language. 中文. Features 专题 ... Take a leaf out of someone's book 以某人为榜样.

#14. just bill-翻译为中文-例句英语

使用Reverso Context: Take one. I'll just bill you for it. It's a play on words.，在英语-中文情境中翻译"just bill"

#15. Take up bill: 中文翻译, 含义、同义词、反义词、发音 - 在线英语 ...

查看«Take up bill»的翻译、定义、含义、转录和例句，学习«Take up bill»的同义词、反义词和发音。

#16. Bill 释义| 柯林斯英语词典 - Collins Dictionary

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#17. BILL DOES NOT TAKE AWAY 中文是什么意思- 中文翻译 - Tr-ex

BILL DOES NOT TAKE AWAY”的语境翻译在英语-中文。以下是许多翻译的例句，其中包含“BILL DOES NOT TAKE AWAY” - 英语-中文翻译和搜索引擎英语翻译。

#18. reckon up the bill的意思- 英漢例句 - 漢語網

reckon up the bill中文的意思、翻譯及用法：合計帳單。英漢詞典提供【reckon up the ... It will not take him a minute to reckon up the bill. 他很快就能算出帳來.

#19. 吃完飯想結帳，英文該用bill還是check？ - 世界公民文化中心

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#20. take up bill的中文意思_用法 - 沪江网校

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