港實業家袁弓夷給美國務卿蓬佩奧的一封信:請救救香港的孩子。
中文(英文在後):
親愛的國務卿蓬佩奧鈞鑒,我以愛好自由的香港人名義,感謝你對香港的支持。今年是天安門64屠城的31周年。在中國對民主渴望上的重要時刻。
您選擇了支持香港爭取自由,說明在此關鍵時刻,您與香港的英雄們真誠地站在一起爭取人權。這些數以百萬計的英雄們是為自己家園的未來挺身而出的普通香港人;還有那些無名的律師、義工、醫護人員、記者、藝人緊守崗位,讓我們的聲音得以傳播;也是那些敢於繼續為做對的事而站出來的年青人。
但是,爭取自由需付出大代價。這些戰士是我們的孩子,也是香港社會普普通通的孩子。
在過去的12個月,有太多的孩子被拘捕、虐待、強姦、謀殺,同時有孩子懷疑已經被送中,秘密被關到集中營,再也沒有音訊了。
為爭取保護自己城市機會,他們犧牲了自己的工作,據「Hong Kong watch」公佈,從去年6月9號至今,已經有8,934位抗爭者被捕,年齡介乎11到84歲。繼他們後,誰還去抗爭?要犧牲多少個我們年輕人的未來才能換到基本的自由?
它們正在抹去我們的語言;
我們香港人的身分
我們的言論自由
我們的法治
我們的孩子
現在,我們需要美國去抵禦中共。若等到6月底讓國安法通過,就等同在等待著另一場大屠殺的展開。
中共以「會收手」做偽裝,讓世界允許其犯下對無辜生命的殘暴行為。它們是永遠不會停手的,直到它們控制了世界,包括美國。
如現在不阻止中共,就會太遲了!我們必須吸取歷史教訓,姑息政策從來沒成功過。
中共已經背棄《中英聯合聲明》中對港人「一國兩制」的承諾。世界領袖不單止是要支持,而是要爭取的時刻已經到來。如果成功,歷史將會記住美國是一個敢於承擔、真正為民主發聲的國家。
我懇請:
因中華人民共和國已經背棄了它在《中英聯合聲明》中的所有責任。香港的主權應該恢復給英國。請說服您的英國盟友在此刻做對的事;就是將主權移交給香港人,條件是在6個月內,在國際獨立監查下,完成真正的公投,讓港人自己選擇他們的未來。
香港是屬於香港人的。
在公投前,我們需要美國的軍隊保護香港,像當年保護西德,免受中共無休止地干預、滲透、欺騙和鎮壓我們的孩子。您在香港的8萬5千子民也需您的保護。
最後,當您致力於再次維持南中國海安全時,請把我們列入您的戰事計劃中,因為我們也是南中國海的部份。
國務卿先生,作為自由世界的聯盟,請讓香港再變得安全。
敬侯卓裁!
天佑美國!天護香港!
袁弓夷敬上
English:
Secretary Pompeo,
On behalf of our FREEDOM loving people in HK, I thank you for STANDING WITH HONG KONG.
The coming June 4th is the 31st anniversary of the Tiananmen Massacre. A pivotal moment in China’s hope for democracy.
Your decision to stand with freedom in Hong Kong shows your true dedication to human rights in today’s watershed moment, with the heroes of Hong Kong.
The millions of everyday Hong Kongers marching for the future of their home.
The nameless lawyers, volunteers, medical staff, journalists, artists doing their part to keep our voices alive.
The youth of Hong Kong daring to stand up for what they know in their heart to be right.
But the fight for freedom has come at great cost.
These warriors are our children and every day Hong Kong kids.
And in the last 12 months, Too many have been arrested, tortured, raped, murdered and many allegedly shipped across the border to secret concentration camps, never to be heard of again.
Giving up their lives for a chance at the preservation of their city.
8934 protestors aged between 11 and 84 years have been arrested since June 9th 2019.
After them, who will be left to fight?
How many of our young will have to sacrifice their futures for basic rights?
They are erasing our language.
Our identity as Hong Kong people.
Our right to speak.
Our rule of law.
Our children.
We need the US to stand up to the CCP, NOW.
Waiting for the National Security Law to be passed in late June is waiting for another Holocaust to begin.
The world has allowed China to commit mass atrocities against human lives under the pretense that one day they will stop.
They will never stop until they control the world, including America.
If it doesn’t stop here now, it will be too late.
We must learn from history that appeasement will NEVER work.
The one country two systems promised Hong Kong in the joint Sino-British Declaration has been obliterated.
Now is the moment for our world leaders to not only stand up, but to fight. If done, history will remember America as a nation that dared, truly, to be a voice for freedom.
Here is what I ask:
Since the PRC has reneged on all its obligations in the Joint Sino British Declaration, HK Sovereignty should revert back to the UK. Please convince your ally UK to do the right thing this time, by transferring the Sovereignty back to the people of HK, on the condition of a genuine referendum in 6 months, supervised by international and independent judges, to choose their own future.
Hong Kong belong to HK people.
Before the referendum, we need your troops to keep HK safe as West Berlin, from the Communist’s never ending interferences, infiltrations, cheating and persecution of our youths. Your 85,000 US citizens in HK also need your protection.
Lastly, while you are working to make South China Sea safe again, please include us in your battle plan.
We are also in the South China Sea.
Mr. Secretary, as an ally in the free world, please
make HK safe again.
Thank you.
God Bless USA
God Save HK.
===========
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【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】
***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated,將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像:以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文(https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/)翻譯成英文,鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演,在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***
中文精簡版本:https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/
Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.
In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.
The possibility of realizing legislative majority
Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.
The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?
Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.
Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.
Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority
To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.
While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.
Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.
Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.
Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP
What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.
Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.
The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.
Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution
Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.
Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.
The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.
All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.
https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw
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