【Joshua Wong speaking to the Italian Senate】#意大利國會研討會演說 —— 呼籲世界在大學保衛戰一週年後與香港人站在同一陣線
中文、意大利文演說全文:https://www.patreon.com/posts/44167118
感謝開創未來基金會(Fondazione Farefuturo)邀請,讓我透過視像方式在意大利國會裡舉辦的研討會發言,呼籲世界繼續關注香港,與香港人站在同一陣線。
意大利作為絕無僅有參與一帶一路發展的國家,理應對中共打壓有更全面的理解,如今正值大學保衛戰一週年,以致大搜捕的時刻,當打壓更為嚴峻,香港更需要世界與我們同行。
為了讓各地朋友也能更了解香港狀況,我已在Patreon發佈當天演說的中文、英文和意大利文發言稿,盼望在如此困難的時勢裡,繼續讓世界知道我們未曾心息的反抗意志。
【The Value of Freedom: Burning Questions for Hong Kongers】
Good morning. I have the privilege today to share some of my thoughts and reflections about freedom, after taking part in social activism for eight years in Hong Kong. A movement calling for the withdrawal of the extradition law starting from last year had escalated into a demand for democracy and freedom. This city used to be prestigious for being the world’s most liberal economy, but now the infamous authoritarian government took away our freedom to election, freedom of assembly, freedom of expression and ideas.
Sometimes, we cannot avoid questioning the cause we are fighting for, the value of freedom. Despite a rather bleak prospect, why do we have to continue in this struggle? Why do we have to cherish freedom? What can we do to safeguard freedom at home and stay alert to attacks on freedom? In answering these questions, I hope to walk through three episodes in the previous year.
Turning to 2020, protests are not seen as frequently as they used to be on the media lens, partly because of the pandemic, but more importantly for the authoritarian rule. While the world is busy fighting the pandemic, our government took advantage of the virus to exert a tighter grip over our freedom. Putting the emergency laws in place, public assemblies in Hong Kong were banned. Most recently, a rally to support press freedom organized by journalists was also forbidden. While many people may ask if it is the end of street activism, ahead of us in the fight for freedom is another battleground: the court and the prison.
Freedom Fighters in Courtrooms and in Jail
Part of the huge cost incurred in the fight for freedom and democracy in Hong Kong is the increasing judicial casualties. As of today, more than 10 thousand people have been arrested since the movement broke out, more than a hundred of them are already locked up in prison. Among the 2,300 protestors who are prosecuted, 700 of them may be sentenced up to ten years for rioting charges.
Putting these figures into context, I wish to tell you what life is like, as a youngster in today’s Hong Kong. I was humbled by a lot of younger protestors and students whose exceptional maturity are demonstrated in courtrooms and in prison. What is thought to be normal university life is completely out of the question because very likely the neighbour next door or the roommate who cooked you lunch today will be thrown to jail on the next.
I do prison visits a few times a month to talk to activists who are facing criminal charges or serving sentences for their involvement in the movement. It is not just a routine of my political work, but it becomes my life as an activist. Since the movement, prison visits has also become the daily lives of many families.
But it is always an unpleasant experience passing through the iron gates one after one to enter the visitors’ room, speaking to someone who is deprived of liberty, for a selflessly noble cause. As an activist serving three brief jail terms, I understand that the banality of the four walls is not the most difficult to endure in jail. What is more unbearable is the control of thought and ideas in every single part of our daily routine enforced by the prison system. It will diminish your ability to think critically and the worst of it will persuade you to give up on what you are fighting for, if you have not prepared it well. Three years ago when I wrote on the first page of prison letters, which later turned into a publication called the ‘Unfree Speech’, I was alarmed at the environment of the prison cell. Those letters were written in a state in which freedom was deprived of and in which censorship was obvious. It brings us to question ourselves: other than physical constraints like prison bars, what makes us continue in the fight for freedom and democracy?
Mutual Support to activists behind-the-scene
The support for this movement is undiminished over these 17 months. There are many beautiful parts in the movement that continue to revitalise the ways we contribute to this city, instead of making money on our own in the so-called global financial centre. In particular, it is the fraternity, the mutual assistance among protestors that I cherished the most.
As more protestors are arrested, people offer help and assistance wholeheartedly -- we sit in court hearings even if we don’t know each other, and do frequent prison visits and write letters to protesters in detention. In major festivals and holidays, people gathered outside the prison to chant slogans so that they won’t feel alone and disconnected. This is the most touching part to me for I also experienced life in jail.
The cohesion, the connection and bonding among protestors are the cornerstone to the movement. At the same time, these virtues gave so much empowerment to the mass public who might not be able to fight bravely in the escalating protests. These scenes are not able to be captured by cameras, but I’m sure it is some of the most important parts of Hong Kong’s movement that I hope the world will remember.
I believe this mutual support transcends nationality or territory because the value of freedom does not alter in different places. More recently, Twelve Hongkong activists, all involved in the movement last year, were kidnapped by China’s coastal guard when fleeing to Taiwan for political refugee in late-August. All of them are now detained secretly in China, with the youngest aged only 16. We suspect they are under torture during detention and we call for help on the international level, putting up #SAVE12 campaign on twitter. In fact, how surprising it is to see people all over the world standing with the dozen detained protestors for the same cause. I’m moved by activists in Italy, who barely knew these Hong Kong activists, even took part in a hunger strike last month calling for immediate release of them. This form of interconnectivity keeps us in spirit and to continue our struggle to freedom and democracy.
Understanding Value of freedom in the university battle
A year ago on this day, Hong Kong was embroiled in burning clashes as the police besieged the Polytechnic University. It was a day we will not forget and this wound is still bleeding in the hearts of many Hong Kongers. A journalist stationed in the university at that time once told me that being at the scene could only remind him of the Tiananmen Square Massacre 31 years ago in Beijing. There was basically no exit except going for the dangerous sewage drains.
That day, thousands of people, old or young, flocked to districts close to the university before dawn, trying to rescue protestors trapped inside the campus. The reinforcements faced grave danger too, for police raided every corner of the small streets and alleys, arresting a lot of them. Among the 800+ arrested on a single day, 213 people were charged with rioting. For sure these people know there will be repercussions. It is the conscience driving them to take to the streets regardless of the danger, the conscience that we should stand up to brutality and authoritarianism, and ultimately to fight for freedoms that are guaranteed in our constitution. As my dear friend, Brian Leung once said, ‘’Hong Kong Belongs to Everyone Who Shares Its Pain’’. I believe the value of freedom is exemplified through our compassion to whom we love, so much that we are willing to sacrifice the freedom of our own.
Defending freedom behind the bars
No doubt there is a terrible price to pay in standing up to the Beijing and Hong Kong government. But after serving a few brief jail sentences and facing the continuing threat of harassment, I learnt to cherish the freedom I have for now, and I shall devote every bit what I have to strive for the freedom of those who have been ruthlessly denied.
The three episodes I shared with you today -- the courtroom, visiting prisoners and the battle of university continue to remind me of the fact that the fight for freedom has not ended yet. In the coming months, I will be facing a maximum of 5 years in jail for unauthorized assembly and up to one ridiculous year for wearing a mask in protest. But prison bars would never stop me from activism and thinking critically.
I only wish that during my absence, you can continue to stand with the people of Hong Kong, by following closely to the development, no matter the ill-fated election, the large-scale arrest under National Security Law or the twelve activists in China. To defy the greatest human rights abusers is the essential way to restore democracy of our generation, and the generation following us.
.................
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同時也有7部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過38萬的網紅CH Music Channel,也在其Youtube影片中提到,《StarRingChild EP》 Even Heaven / 天國的即使 作詞 / Lyricist: aimerrhythm 作曲 / Composer:釣俊輔、玉井健二 編曲 / Arranger:釣俊輔、玉井健二 歌 / Singer: Aimer 翻譯:夏德爾 English Trans...
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would you rather中文 在 Sherri Holley 何利雪莉 Facebook 的最佳貼文
下面有中文👇🏻 #文小長希望讀完
I don’t often tell people this
If you’ve seen my news report
You’d know that I use to be a pro
One of the top in tennis
And yet years later,
Not once have I tried to tell people
Truth be told
For about 10 years of my life
I spent most of my childhood on the court
Regardless of the weather
That’s where I’d spend most of my days
You’d be surprised
The reason why I don’t kiss and tell
Well... is because I took no pleasure
Training was tough
Discipline was harder
But that was nothing compared to my life
For those who know me well
They know I am an optimistic person
But it has taken me a long time to get here
Cause truth be told
I had a very disturbing childhood
I don’t know if it was because of my personality
But for six years, I was severely bullied
Most of the time verbally, but sometimes physically
I tried ever so hard to fit in
But whatever I did,
Nothing seemed to do the trick
I am not proud of my past
Despite the glory and all
I’d rather forget my childhood
I’d rather have amnesia
Anything would be easier than to
Have to go through that torture again
As time has passed
Though some who were horrendous have apologized
Others have never thought of their damage
Overall, there is just more pain than glory
If you know me, you know that I am strong
I am not someone who shows their vulnerability that easily
But for once, I think I owe everyone the truth
Thank you bullies for making me stronger
Because of you, I have learnt that
- Self love is important
- No one is more deadlier than your own mind
- When you stop caring about what other people think about you, life is much more bearable
- A happy day is always a better day
- When I am that much better, one day, you will look up at me
Finally, I would like to thank all the people that have helped me through my dark days, whether it would be friends, family, or loved ones. Thank you for tolerating me with all of your compassion. I am better because of you.
Don’t worry, your kindness will be rewarded when the time comes.
- - - - -
我有件事情很少告訴他人
或許你們看完我的報導後猜到了
曾經 在很久以前 我是個中華隊選手
或許不是最頂尖的 但也有不錯水準
這麼多年來 這麼光榮的事情
我卻一次都不曾告訴他人
老實說
人生中有10年待在網球場上
童年在球場上隨風而去
無論天氣如何
球場幾乎是天天報到的地方
但你萬萬沒想到
之所以不喜歡告訴他人我的這番過去
是因為... 它是痛苦的
訓練當然辛苦 但球員誰不是這樣
年紀輕輕學會自律 當然也是一番挑戰
但這些辛苦沒辦法與我的生活品質比較
那些在生活中與我很親很熟的人
他們都知道我其實蠻樂觀開朗的
但老實說 今天能這樣也是花了很久時間調適的
因為我的童年不堪回首
以前常常聽到是我個性問題
但六年整整 每一天總是要忍受不斷的言語霸凌
有時甚至會有生理上的傷害
即使再怎麼改 再怎麼合群
無論再怎麼努力 很少有愉悅的一天
我對我的未來並不榮耀
即使成績再怎麼揮霍
我寧可忘了這個童年
我寧可失憶
任何事情都比起那個生活好
隨著時間的過去
部分曾對我厭惡之極的霸凌者回頭道歉了
但仍有一些人不認為自己有造成傷害
比較下來 我寧願不想記起這麼多的負面情緒
如果你懂我 你就會知道我很堅強
我並不是一個隨便讓人看到我軟弱一面的人
但事到如今 我覺得我欠大家這回真相
我要感謝當初霸凌我的人
因為你們 我學會
- 怎麼愛自己
- 自己的意識與信念才是最惡毒的敵人
- 當你停止在乎他人時,生活會變得很美好
- 快樂也是一天 難過也是一天 選擇快樂吧
- 當我把自己變得強大時 有一天 你們會低頭
最後,我想感謝人生說陪我經歷風風雨雨與各種黑暗時期的家人/朋友/至親們。因為有你們寬大的包容,才能造就今天的我。因為你們,我變得更好。
有一天,我一定會報答你們這份溫暖
#love #couple #cute#me #girl #boy #beautiful #instagood #instalove #loveher #lovehim #pretty #adorable #kiss #kisses #hugs #romance #forever #girlfriend #boyfriend #gf #bf #bff #together #photooftheday #happy #fun #smile #xoxo
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would you rather中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最讚貼文
【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】
***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated,將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像:以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文(https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/)翻譯成英文,鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演,在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***
中文精簡版本:https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/
Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.
In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.
The possibility of realizing legislative majority
Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.
The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?
Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.
Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.
Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority
To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.
While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.
Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.
Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.
Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP
What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.
Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.
The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.
Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution
Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.
Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.
The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.
All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.
https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw
would you rather中文 在 CH Music Channel Youtube 的最讚貼文
《StarRingChild EP》
Even Heaven / 天國的即使
作詞 / Lyricist: aimerrhythm
作曲 / Composer:釣俊輔、玉井健二
編曲 / Arranger:釣俊輔、玉井健二
歌 / Singer: Aimer
翻譯:夏德爾
English Translation: Thaerin
背景 / Background - 心象Sketcher:
https://www.pixiv.net/artworks/76544323
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中文翻譯 / Chinese Translation :
https://home.gamer.com.tw/creationDetail.php?sn=2461646
英文翻譯 / English Translation :
https://www.lyrical-nonsense.com/lyrics/aimer/even-heaven/
日文歌詞 / Japanese Lyrics :
今はもう ずっと じっと息をひそめたままでいい
宇宙(そら)はまだ きっと もっと 深くへ 沈む
飛び立つ勇気を忘れて 広げた翼も失くして
天国さえ 消えた 青い地球(ほし)
何もいらないと言って ここにいるよと言って
行き場のない 続きもない願いだけ 響いてる
ここにいるよと言って そばにいるよと笑って
確かめたいことを 音にすれば
壊れてしまうことは 知ってるよ
今思う ずっと ずっと 辿り着けなくたっていい
君となら きっと もっと 遠くへ行ける
いますぐ扉をたたいて 抱えた痛みけとばして
目を凝らせば 見える 青い月
何もいらない場所へ 誰も知らない世界へ
知りたくない 聞きたくないことさえも 滲んでく
君の右手を握って どこへ行くかも忘れて
描いた幻想(まぼろし)を 現実(もの)にすれば
壊れてしまうことも 知っていた
確かな明日や 重ねた昨日よりも
不確かな二人がここにいる それだけでいい…
何もいらないと言って そばにいるよと言って
汚れのない 終わりのない 願いだけ 響いてく
歩き疲れた場所で 変わらない世界の果てで
全てを失くしても “願い”だけは
誰にも壊せないと 信じてた
中文歌詞 / Chinese Lyrics :
事到如今,就這麼靜靜的、一直屏著氣息就好
這片星空肯定,會往更深更深的地方,沉沒吧
忘卻展翅高飛的勇氣,也失去了曾經張開的翅膀
這已經是個,連天堂都不復存在的星球了
請和我說,你什麼也不奢求;請告訴我,你就在這裡
然而這裡卻只有那些已經無處可去、也沒有未來的願望,正在寂寞的迴盪
請告訴我,你會在這裡;請笑著說,你會在我的身旁
但若將想要得到確切答案的事情脫口
這一切就會變得殘破不堪,這種事情,我早就知道
現在想想,或許永遠、永遠都到達不了天國也無所謂
只要和你在一起,肯定,可以前往更遠更遠的地方吧
請現在立刻敲打我的門扉,將我所藏有的痛苦全部踹開
只要仔細凝望,便能看見那藍色的月亮——
朝著,什麼也不需要的地方;朝著沒有任何人到訪過的世界
就連那些不想知道、不想聽見的事物,也全都模糊了
牽著你的右手,遺忘到底何去何從
然而若是將描繪的這個幻想,化作現實
這一切就會成為一片斷垣殘壁,這種事情,我也早就知道
比起確切的明日什麼的,或是累積無數的昨日什麼的
如夢境般的兩個人能在一起,只要這樣就好……
請和我說,除了我以外你什麼也不需要;請告訴我,你會在我的身旁
然而孤單迴盪的,卻是無暇而不知放棄的,那些心願
在這,走到疲倦而窮途末路的地方,於這什麼也不曾改變的世界盡頭
縱使失去一切,唯有這份「願望」誰也無法摧毀
我是,如此的深信
英文歌詞 / English Lyrics :
Really, I’d be fine just calmly holding my breath forever,
As I’m sure the sky will sink even deeper from here.
Forgetting the courage to fly, I’ve lost my stretched out wings,
On a blue planet where even heaven has vanished.
Tell me you don’t need a thing… tell me you’re here with me…
A wish with no place to go, and no future, is the only thing resonating here.
Say you’re right here… smile, saying you’re right beside me…
Though I know that if we put the reassurances we need into words,
They’ll simply fall apart.
Really, I’d be fine never getting there,
‘Cause I’m sure I could go even further if I’m with you.
We’ll knock on this door and kick aside the pain we’ve held onto,
Straining our eyes to make out a blue moon.
We’ll go to a place where we need nothing… a world no one knows…
Even the things we don’t want to know, and would rather not hear, start to blur.
I’ll grasp your right hand, having forgotten where we’re going,
Though I knew all along that if me make this illusion we created a reality,
It’ll simply fall apart.
More than a certain tomorrow, or accumulated yesterdays,
An uncertain two of us are right here… and that’s more than enough.
Tell me you don’t need a thing… tell me you’re here with me…
A wish unsullied, with no end, is the only thing resonating here.
At the place where we grow tired of walking… at the end of an unchanging world…
Even if we were to lose everything, I believed,
That no one could ever tear this wish apart.
would you rather中文 在 Daniel Hsu 丹尼爾 Youtube 的精選貼文
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would you rather中文 在 玛莎 Masya Masyitah Youtube 的最讚貼文
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would you rather中文 在 (would) prefer & would rather 句型:... - 公職英文滿分大作戰 的推薦與評價
“prefer”是一個及物動詞,意思是「寧可、寧願(選擇)、更喜歡」,前面加上語氣助動詞“would”可以減緩語氣,使語氣變得比較客氣。“would rather”是一個 ... ... <看更多>